Forschungsstelle "Westfälischer Friede": Dokumentation

DOCUMENTATION | Exhibitions: 1648 - War and Peace in Europe

Essay Volumes > Tome I: Politics, Religion, Law and Society

MARTIN BRECHT
Protestant Peace Literature: Johann Rist's call to penance

1. Introduction

Among the war and peace literature generated by the Thirty Years' War there is, irrespective of any literary merit, much that is of historical interest - be it ecclesiastical or theological history or the history of piety. This does not come as a surprise. We know that the misery of the war and the desire for peace exceeded human limits of control. In everyday experience the individual was permanently confronted with higher authorities or looked to them for guidance. The bible and Christian tradition proved much more powerful than mythological sources in providing guiding texts, ideas and imagery. The religious dimension was indispensable. Moreover, the confessions were parties to the conflict, and they used the argument of the "right faith" to agitate and polemicize for their own cause. All in all, the religious war and peace literature indicates the specific, if not surprising, ways the events were taken up and digested.

The relevant source material is quite varied. Often text is combined with either pictorial representations or with music. Religious literature, in its broadest sense, knows numerous sub-genres: sermons, prayers, hymnals, reports, pamphlets, mottoes, dramas, etc. An assessment from the point of view of ecclesiastical history - which is quite different in its problem formulation than literary history - does not exist, although the subject provides a number of revelations.

The following issues merit consideration: the Thirty Years' War and the subsequent peace saw the creation of not just lyrical poetry but also hymns, some of which have survived to this day. The Protestant hymn-book that was still in use until recently included the song of peace by Paul Gerhardt, an important author of hymns," Gott Lob, nun ist erschollen das edle Fried- und Freudenwort". [1] The second verse, in which God's wrath and punishment are considered deserved and justified in view of the sin, is followed by the urgent question: Who is it who does penance? It was the destruction, devastation and loss of human life that - again - painfully illustrated that peace is a priceless gift and that it has to be preserved by living a pious life. At stake here is the promise of eternal peace in God. Paul Gerhardt's re-writing of psalm 85 "Herr, der du vormals hast dein Land mit Gnaden angeblicket" (1653) [2] takes up the image of the meeting of Kindness and Faith and of the kiss of Peace and Justice. Here the confidence in God's help is linked to a demand for a form of action which corresponds to God's love. There is, as such, a serious tone to the jubilant praise of peace.



II. Johann Rist

War and peace figure more widely in the work of Johann Rist than is usually thought. Consequently, he can be considered a perfectly representative author of war and peace literature whose work presents itself for close scrutiny. Outside literary history he is still known as the author of hymns, some of which address the miseries of war. [3]

Rist was born in Ottensen near Hamburg in 1607, the son of the local vicar. [4] He studied theology both in Rostock and Rinteln, where Josua Stegman, himself a renowned hymn-author, was his teacher. From 1634 to his death in 1667 he was vicar in Wedel/Holstein, close enough to Hamburg to be able to participate in the cultural life of the city. His position left him enough spare time for his literary activities. He was a member of the Nuremberg "Pegnisischer Blumenorden" and the "Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft" and he founded the "Sprachgesellschaft des Elbschwanenordens" which oriented itself on Opitz' theoretical principles. In 1643 he came face to face with the war when his house was plundered during the invasion led by the Swedish general Torstenson. Theologically speaking Rist can be called a pious Lutheran, but this would not do justice to his wide spiritual horizon. Obviously he knew the important tracts of Johann Arndt, who died in 1621, Superintendent-General of Celle. Arndt's book of prayers, the "Paradiesgärtlein", and the devotional books of Arndt's adherents, the professors of theology Johann Gerhardt and Josua Stegmann, served as models for Rist's "Himmlische Lieder" (1651). [5] Rist asserts his "right faith", nevertheless he confesses his contacts to Rosicrucians and new prophets, to followers of Weigel and to chymic scientists - all religious currents of the time. In these people, he claimed he "often felt more godliness and so much stronger Christian life than in some of those who considered themselves the purest of Lutherans". Rist was impressed with the unwordliness, the priority given to love of God, the care for their neighbours and the passionate desire for the heavenly Jerusalem these outsiders displayed. It does not come as a surprise that Rist also knew Paracelsus, and the Kabbala. [6] Ever since he had studied with Joachim Jungius in Rostock, Rist could be considered one of those well-educated Lutherans who did not from the outset reject recent scientific findings or even highly controversial religious impulses. His sympathy for the mild form of Helmstedt orthodoxy fits this pattern.

Rist created two dramas relating to the Peace of Westphalia, "Das Friedewünschende Teutschland" (Teutschland longing for peace) and "Das friedejauchzende Teutschland" (Teutschland jubilating peace), whose realisation and message deserve a closer look. Today's reader could come to the conclusion that the dramas, with their often overlong monologues and scanty plot, were not particularly well-suited for the stage. But Rist did know the craft of a dramatist, he did know how to employ effective, almost operatic elements including music and tableaux. The dramas were put on stage and the reader learns a lot about the contemporary view of the world. Indeed, they are "both in content and form the most significant examples of peace drama". [7]



III. Das Friedewünschende Teutschland

From very early on Rist used war and peace as dramatic material. He or his brother-in-law Ernst Stapel created in 1630 "Irenaromachia Das ist eine New Tragico-comaedia Von Fried und Krieg" [8] (Irenaromachia - a new tragic-comedy of peace and war). However, neither the political nor the religious conflicts of 1630 are addressed in this drama. Perceptions are determined by religious considerations, but no sides are taken. [9] What is mentioned is the widespread disintegration of social relations in the different communities as well as the destruction of the educational and the judicial systems. The plight, according to Rist, is caused by individual sin and guilt and can be ameliorated by improvement, conversion and penance. Accordingly, there is then the hope that God turns his wrath into grace and things will be changed for the better. That means one's earthly lot depends on the individual's relationship to God. Only the final judgement can solve the conflict. The author focuses on penance, and as such shows no further interest in either the causes or the explanation of actions. The frame of reference of the Irenaromachia is determined by religion and thus is largely identical with that of Rist's later peace dramas.

Rist closely followed the events that led to peace [10], as is indicated by a poem to emperor Ferdinand III after peace talks had commenced in late 1644. [11] Rist praises the emperor for initiating peace. He admonishes Teutschland to show penance in order to make God stop his punishment. He concedes that humans "do not deserve that God allows them to hope for peace". Lasting peace requires that we recognise evil life and sin. This poem contains concepts of the as yet unattained peace that we will encounter again later on.

When in 1646 Denmark and consequently Holstein made peace with Sweden and discontinued their engagement in the war, Rist sounded his peace trumpet ("Friedens-Posaune") in 572 verses. [12]

But here, too, he states that penance and improvement have not yet been realised. Rist reminds us that for a long time Holstein was not touched by the war. [13] Only in his "Holsteinische Klag- und JammerLied" of 1643 does he consider the Swedish invasion as God's just punishment. Rist describes the invasion using the imagery of a devastating storm. Later he reminds the reader of the severe plague epidemic in 1628, the subsequent famine and the devastating floods of 1634- without making a distinction between natural catastrophes and war. But his poetry is always understood as a call to turn away from sin, vice and ungratefulness. According to Rist, all members and strata of society benefit from peace. He graphically describes what he wants to happen with the weapons: No rusty pistol, sword or spear large or small, no gun shall harm us any longer. If God only wanted all muskets to turn into ploughshares, forks and hatchets! That would allow us to continue farming which not only brings riches but also pleases God. If God only wanted all the pigeons to nest in the soldiers' helmets. If God only wanted that all farmers use the cuirasses as baskets and troughs. [14]

Finally Rist not only praises God but also the prince. It is noticeable that he mentions neither specific preconditions for peace negotiations nor Sweden's powerful position.

"Das Friedewünschende Teutschland" is probably Rist's most interesting peace drama. [15] It was written in late 1647 and was printed in 1649 in an extended version which also encompassed summarising songs. In 1647 peace had yet to be achieved. Rumour allowed doubts, and the jubilating peace trumpet could not yet be heard in all corners of the fatherland. Rist at that point saw - due to the existing mental conditions - only hope for peace, not peace itself. [16]

In the opening scenes [17] Mercurius, who becomes partly demythologised and assumes many features of a preacher, leads old Germanic heroes such as Ariovist, Arminius and Widukind on a tour through Teutschland. The heroes' ideas are antiquated and linguistically old-fashioned, quite in line with Rist's and his adherents' German language ideal. It was above all French conventions and customs, such as the kiss on the hand, or French phrases that they despised. Patriotism superseded confessionalism, the reigning interest in piety, however, was not dispensed with. [18] The joyous Teutschland is personified and presented as caught between the tension-ridden relationship between peace and lust. The audience granted to the heroes is unpleasant. They do not understand Teutschland talking in many foreign languages. Mercurius then accuses Germany of disdaining God and his word, of blasphemy, gluttony, lewdness and oppression. There was more sin and vice than sand on the beach. Penance and a change of ways are required. Indignantly, Teutschland throws out the heroes. Peace takes their side since those who call for penance are the best friends. Peace, however, is beaten and thrown out as well.

At the beginning of the the second act [19], Peace summarises his achievements for Teutschland. The noble word of life was purely and clearly taught, high and low schools blossomed, the subjects knew law and justice, princes and masters reigned happily, commerce prospered, farming and horticulture were maintained. Every estate could perform its tasks and duties in praise of God, to the neighbour's benefit and to its own well-being. Remarkably, the confessional conflict is not (no longer) mentioned, as if before the war Protestantism had been one consolidated entity. Peace will come to Teutschland only if and when she does appropriate penance.

Corresponding to the first plot, Lust now leads a Spaniard, a Frenchman, a Croat and a German cavalry soldier. No mention of the Swedes. Foreigners, who allegedly caused the conflicts, are clearly represented disparagingly. They drug Teutschland with Spanish and French wine, with goat-cheese laced with opium and with poisoned gloves. Whatever is foreign or alien is harmful. Political objectives of the war such as occupation are not addressed. The foreigners don't kill Teutschland but they enjoy her goods, they hand her over to Mars and they rob her priced possession: concordia. Only this last issue points at the fact that there are conflicts within Teutschland. Bloodthirsty Mars is considered a transpersonal power that becomes effective only with the help of foreigners.

The intermezzo [20] introduces Sausewind, a student, who according to his self-praise is well-versed in all arts. Mars, however, makes clear to Sausewind that such "Blakscheisser" (smoke-shitting) are worth very little in the real world. But Sausewind insists that warfare could by no means be such a joy as many inexperienced and slovenly people make it out to be. In the end Mars wins him over with the prospect of money, orgies, women and a career. While Sausewind is dreaming of his life as a rapacious soldier, Mercurius appears. This is not to Sausewind's liking since he does not want his decision to be questioned. Therefore, he starts out to criticise those preachers who adorn their sermons with mendacious news of the war or with personal insults, as if they were Jeremiahs, but they are and remain nothing but Pharisees and hypocrites. Sausewind counters the argument that not all wanton soldiers go to heaven with a reference to the merry days they are having on earth. Mercurius makes him look at the other perspective: war, death and despair, the lethal consequences of too much drink, the French disease as a consequence of whoring, mutinies against high-ranking officers. Thus Mercurius thoroughly disabuses Sausewind of the illusions of war.

The third plot [21] presents Teutschland in all its misery before a happy turn of events occurs. The lament of a tormented, torn, deprived, plundered, burnt, starved and depraved Teutschland is impressively presented using biblical imagery. Teutschland's guilt and foolishness lies in the fact that it made a pact with foreign powers who threw Teutschland into a devastating war which in turn brought its evil sisters pest and famine. Even Mars does not want Teutschland to die, because if she dies there is nothing to gain from her. The wounded Teutschland is then given over to the army-surgeon Ratio Status, the reason of state, a Macchiavellian concept ill-regarded by Protestant authors of the time. Ratio Status is described as a quack whose cures are more than doubtful. His remedies are union, association, neutrality and alliances with foreign powers. Here Rist does talk about political realities, but he keeps a critical distance.

Then, Peace, banished and non-existent in Teutschland, returns to her. Albeit, not in order to live with her but sent by God's mercy in order to cast "a glance of grace" on her. Preacher Mercurius explains to Teutschland that redemption from the misery requires true penance. If penance does not happen, the "glance of grace", hope for peace, will be removed and even worse misery will fall upon the country. As could be expected, Teutschland does not understand and instead points to all the misery that she has endured. Mercurius insists that the misery has to be accepted as just punishment, since the foreign peoples are nothing but instruments of God's wrath. Apostasy is considered a political, ethical and linguistic apostasy from Germanic origins. Now, even Teutschland can no longer close her eyes on this truth, the sinner can do nothing but ask for mercy, repent her misdeeds, trust in God's mercy and repeat her intentions to change.

Then, Teutschland is ordered to ask God for peace. Peace himself takes on the role as negotiator. But he is told again that God until now has detested Teutschland's prayer since her hands are blood-stained and all her deeds nothing but sin and shame: sincere and unconditional penance are the crucial preconditions for true peace. What follows is Teutschland's comprehensive confession of sins. The catalogue of sins encompasses contempt for the word of God, blasphemy, vanity, untruthfulness, self-love, disobedience, hostility, wrath, vengefulness, impatience, lewdness, injustice, avarice, all kinds of evil lust, and many other sins. Rist remains quite general and continues with a plea for peace, peace in the personal realm, in the cities and the provinces, in churches and townhalls, among princes and subjects, among clergy and laymen, among young and old, peace for all people. The answer of his holy majesty is delivered by Justice: Teutschland's penance was not a voluntary insight but a consequence of misery and plight. Therefore God does not trust "hypocritical penance", which was often used to promise improvement, a promise that has never been kept. Hearing this, Love intervenes and appeals to God's unfathomable mercy. A choir of angels sings "Verleih uns Frieden gnädiglich". Now God explains that his just punishment was superseded by Love. But Teutschland still has to prove her betterment by deed and veracity. In the meantime God encourages the hope for peace which in fact is being negotiated in Westphalia. The admonition that Teutschland renounce evil, do good, look for peace, pray and bear her cross patiently is repeated. The finale is a song of praise that, as was common at the time, was addressed to a congregation much more than a theatre audience. [22]

Rist's messages are quite surprising: only sincere penance can bring about true peace. Misery and catastrophes are caused by the fact that people live entirely inadequate Christian lives. It is appropriate that for the time being there can only be the hope for peace, not peace itself. Is such a view of the world only Rist's view or does it have wider currency?

Rist's prologue [23] provides a rudimentary insight in the kinds of reactions to the drama. It seems that Rist was initially criticised anonymously by other authors for his support of Opitz' German language reform. Moreover, his critics tried to impute that Rist's work constituted an insult to high-ranking officers. The contention that Germany had been ravaged by foreign peoples was also criticised. Rist, however, asserted his belief that Teutschland had been devastated both by her own children and by foreign peoples. He conceded that he had not asked whether the latter might have had a right to do so - a question he considered beyond his grasp. Furthermore he pointed out that he considered all nations equally guilty, that there is none that is more guilty than another. A political analysis of events was not Rist's point, neither did he mean to criticise individual soldiers, he only wanted to point out vice and sin - and indeed that is the way the drama was understood by the audience. The sincere reader, claimed Rist, "will pray to God in true humility and penance and ask for peace".

As indicated by Paul Gerhardt, Rist's linkage of the desire for peace with the call to penance was not a singular occurrence but an attitude representative for the Lutheran reform vicarage. Peace was not a proud human achievement but a gift of God that could well be lost. The pamphlet "Es ist Fried" (M. Rembold, Ulm 1648) combines a "FriedensSpruch" (song of peace), a "Frewdenspruch" (song of joy) and a "BußSpruch" [24] (song of penance). In the pamphlet "Germania o Vatterland, dein grose Schand ist Gott doch nit verborgen" (Adam Faritius 1648) [25] God affirms from Isaiah 45,7: "I make peace, and create evil". The illustration shows Jesus with his disciples on a ship during a storm while the text contains a serious admonition to change. The anonymous "Klagelied des H. Röm. Reichs und Teutschen landes" (elegy of the Holy Roman Empire and the country of Germany, Nuremberg 1649) combines the warning of sin with a graphic description of the plight that had occurred. [26] Using an artistic device - the pretext to simply present Teutschland's desire for peace - in 1647 Rist was able to grasp both the political and the spiritual state of affairs prior to the Peace of Westphalia. Rist's drama is followed by "Neu erfundenes Freuden spiel genandt Friedens Sieg" (newly created joyful game called victory of peace - 1642/1648) by Justus Georg Schottelius, a lawyer from Wolfenbüttel. Schottelius' heavy-handed drama, however, highlights the quality of Rist's work. [27]



IV. Das Friedejauchzende Teutschland

Rist's poem in honour of the peace celebration bonfire on September 5, 1650 [28] illustrates that he could indeed express his joy about peace freely. Finally, war was over but the memory of fear and disaster remained as vivid as ever: "in these wars, country, people and money were the prize". Rist believes that the princes' decision to commence peace negotiations are the expression of a divine will. He emphasises the emperor's contribution to peace but he also points out how Germany suffered under the imperial warfare of France and Sweden. Understandably, Rist rejoices at the peace concluded in Münster and Osnabrück and amplified by the Treaty of Nuremberg in 1650. The fact that Hamburg was spared the war is cause for gratitude and leads to the bonfire described by Rist. [29] This song as well turns into a prayer confessing sins and finally of praise and thanksgiving before the realities of war are finally "bade good night". [30]

With this poem Rist had by no means exhausted the issue of "peace". As announced in "Das Friedewünschende Teutschland", in 1653 he published a previously performed drama: "Das Friedejauchzende Teutschland". [31] The prologue [32] indicates that - even then - peace was considered more fragile, more problematic than expected. It presented "truth" as an "anonymous, paltry, ill-clad, poor woman" who expects to meet with derision, contempt and hate. There was no place on earth where she could live together with peace: "The houses of God, / which should be generally a safe haven for everybody, / particularly virtuous people, / are very dangerous for me / for I am practically banished from the churches." At court, the bogeyman was a more welcome guest than Truth, who was chased by the dogs. In the townhalls of the free cities, Truth was received like a thief in the vegetable garden or in the granary of a farmer. Truth was met with hostility from merchants and artisans, from skippers, farm hands and day-labourers. The soldiers had thrown Truth out of the country. But Truth repudiates the suspicion that she is impossible to get along with. She names heaven as her place of residence. She asked everybody whether she was welcome, but the answer was: "those who play the lute of truth and play a pretty song, the lute should be smashed on their heads. Away with you, Truth!" But Truth is not silenced and says: "God showed Germany, depraved by war, his mercy when he sent peace. But she did not know whether peace would remain in Germany."

In the first act [33] we see a clergyman, a nobleman and a bourgeois, that is representatives of the three estates. They are still being tormented by a berserk, the personification of violence caused by war. All estates are victimised by the war, but at this point there is no hope for an end to the devastation of war or to war itself. The one thing remaining is prayer and supplication. Germany wails about her suffering heart and that there was "no speaker so expressive, / no poet so ingenious, / no writer so swift to put in words / or on paper / the terrible suffering". Wahremund, an imposing figure clad like a old-frankonian priest - and obviously the voice of trut - who accompanies Germany, says all her distress was caused by sins.

Germany, however, does not understand why punishment is sent upon everybody, indiscriminately and without regard to the person. Upon hearing this Wahremund launches into a sermon about the sins of the clergy: "except some pious ones and some who truly lived in God", during the war clergymen had been strange creatures who did not urge people to be meek and peaceable but "fought among themselves to the bitter end". "It was they / who cursed each other / and spoke heresy, / even gave each other over to the devil". The clergy contributed less to peace than the princes and consequently they could not be endowed with peace. Many of the clergymen served God Mammon, greedy like unscrupulous merchants and usurers. Many cursed like profligate lansquenets and drank with the members of their congregations in the public houses. Many of them cared neither about uplifting the church nor about the salvation of their flock. Many did not immerse themselves in theology or learned work but only tended to their farms. Therefore, they were justly punished. Some of this criticism is most likely topical, some of the misdeeds were caused by the war. Nevertheless, it is remarkable that Rist joined the ranks of the critics of the clergy, most of whom were spiritualists. Moreover, Rist belonged to those who blamed the conflict-theology (Streittheologie) to some extent for the war. Therefore, it does not come as a surprise that later on in the Monatsgespräche he showed his sympathy for Helmstedt syncretism which wanted to overcome inter-confessional conflicts. [34]

The fact that the princes quite often led a disorderly life and were poor military leaders is according to Rist a function of their poor education and lack of reproof. But he asserts that indeed there are and have always been brave, reasonable, learned, experienced virtuous and prolific heroes. To some extent councillors, bailiffs and judges - if they lacked piety, the mother of all virtues - were to blame for the deplorable state of affairs. Most courtiers, according to Rist, did not believe in anything, ridiculed Christian life, and thought they did not have to care about the bible and the priests. But exactly these courtiers set the example for public officials. The rulers were in fact the protectors of the two tables of law but they themselves did not comply with the commandments: they did not hold the Sabbath holy, lived in an Epicurean way, for years neither went to confession nor attended Holy Communion, lived in strife and conflict instead of settling quarrels peacefully, were the worst usurers, grinders and tormented the peasants, they ran illegal whorehouses and kept concubines. Thus it was no surprise that ungodliness and unchristian ways were widespread - the efforts of faithful clergymen notwithstanding - and that there was no justice. It was not qualification but corruption and connections that gave access to positions. The criticism of the public officials is every bit as harsh as the criticism of the clergy. Obviously the church finds it difficult to make sure that Christian norms prevail throughout the civil service. This failure directly causes the dismal state of affairs in private households - those of bourgeois and peasants -, but Rist does not even dwell on this since in his opinion the clergy and the public officials carry a larger share of the responsibility.

In the prologue, [35] Rist indicates that Wahremund's penance sermons met with disapproval. Consequently, he has to emphasise that there are upright clergymen, but on the whole he persists in his assertion since he himself suffered vehement prosecution by clergymen - from those who copied their sermons from pamphlets and led ungodly lives. He continues that his persecutors were "clergymen who often enough helped to bring / poor and innocent women, whom they called witches, / to the torture chambers / and that they were crueller than the hangmen". In this surprising passage, Rist reveals himself as an opponent of witch hunts. Then he talks about simple-minded colleagues who envy others who use their talents in God's honour, to elevate the church, to encourage Christian hearts and to make themselves a name: "Here they are and prick up their ears / like Bileam's horse, / they turn up their nose / like monkeys, / they shake their curly hair like waterdogs exhausted from swimming". Rist is sure that he can prove Wahremund's criticism of the public servants. Just like Michael Moscherosch's Philander von Sittewald he thinks that whoever takes offence obviously has reason to do so.

The intermezzo [36] describes how during the war some peasants lost all political, religious, moral and economic order and did not care any longer for peace. As a country-vicar, Rist knew what he was talking about.

The "other act" [37] reports that Mars, in order to undermine the "peace treaties recently in Westphalia", made Ratio Status supreme privy councillor. Ratio Status then gave Mars a new suit of armour, with the words "Religion" inscribed on its right and "Freedom or Libertas" on its left side. The armour is meant to blind the Germans so that they do not long for peace. Rist opposes the use of ratio Status, reason of state - as a "disguise for all ongoing wars". Ratio Status provides more arguments in favour of a continuation of the war: the necessity to completely subjugate the enemy, the impossibility of reimbursing all contributions to the war, the difficult demobilisation of so many soldiers. Moreover, Ratio Status wants to employ "Fräulein Mißtrau" (Miss Distrust) as a spy. She shall preach to the Germans the "difference of religions" which prevents true unity. More and more clearly Rist's pacifism becomes apparent. Madame Diffidence also spreads the message that peace will mean that there are many economic losers. There is only one source of consolation left: the unpolitical expectation that God will thwart the enemies' attacks. Wahremund explains to Teutschland that this can only happen if "in the future there will be a different and better Christendom among the Germans". The earlier status analyses are now followed by reform proposals. The preachers must follow but one goal: God's honour and the salvation of the flock. Polemicists, newspaper-preachers and Aristotelians are no longer needed. How to arrive at this new clergy, Rist fails to say. He also only makes simple demands for god-fearing princes and godly and virtuous civil servants - no suggestions how to create them. Now Rist presents a successful and idealised example of a God-given peace after the Eighty Years War personified by Queen Batavia (whom Rist calls a daughter of Teutschland) and King Ibero. Here, at last, he refers to a real political event.

It is clear that peace has to be given to Germany by God. This requires an agreement between the emperor and France and Sweden and an "eternal pardon". [38] With peace approaching, Mars and his helpers have to flee. Following these events the clergyman, the nobleman and the bourgeois arrest Wühterich, Peace has Mars put in chains but warns Teutschland: if she does not keep peace, Mars will have to be released. Now pious life has to be realised. Peace advises to keep divine service, government and the military in good order. Supreme happiness in sovereignty is a function of piety - even if the accursed Macchiavellists refuse to accept this. Wahremund becomes supervisor of the church. In this function he has to make sure that there are appropriate teachers who teach the word of God "purely and properly / without human additions / teach and preach / the holy sacraments according to the order established by Jesus / who do not stop to seriously admonish all people / who lift up the stupid and frightened hearts with the promise of God's mercy, / who offer consolation for the repentant sinner, / who try to convince the impenitent and obdurate / if necessary punish / or even banish them". Moreover, the teachers should lead a life that is an example to their flock. These requirements comply on the whole with the standards of the Lutheran church; only the possibility of excommunicating impenitent sinners is put in harsher words than usual. Government and civil servants have to demonstrate piety, justice - also towards the poor -, they have to be uncorrupted, protect the weak, admonish the godless and the destroyers of peace and they have to punish sin and vice. These requirements reflect a concept of peaceful order which is not particularly original but deeply rooted in Christian-conservative solidity - it did not elicit enthusiasm but complied with the demands of reality. The operatic, jubilant final chorus that has to be performed "regally" praises God, the victor over war.

"To God's honour, / to praise his holy name, to edify and educate the pious, to warn and admonish the godless, / and to educate and to bear witness for all following generations of all the grand deeds that He has done": that was Rist's reason for writing this Wercklein, this little drama. [39] For Rist, the final, the decisive authority was God. Therefore his interest in political circumstances remained weak. His desire to re-establish a morally upright state of affairs in the church, in politics and in society is informed by conservative ideals. These conservative ideals allowed some precise criticism: the destructive conflict-theology of confessionalism, the impious ways of the clergy, widespread corruption. Suggestions for possible remedies, however, are but rudimentary. Rist was not a reformer. In his opinion, the past needed to be dealt with, but the way to do so was penance since penance allowed God to turn to us again. This means that the reaction to the newly-won peace could - all the praise and jubilation not withstanding - only be humble and serious. This reaction was only appropriate considering the harsh reality. From his starting point "penance" Rist has created a representation of reality that is characteristically Protestant and at the same time is appropriate to the new challenges.




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FOOTNOTES


1. Evangelisches Gesangbuch, No. 392. - Gerhardt 1957, No. 98, pp. 285-287.

2. Evangelisches Gesangbuch, No. 283. - Gerhardt 1957, No. 71, pp. 200-202.

3. C.f. Rist/ Schopp 1976, Das dritte Zehn (1642), p. 49 f. Verse 11 - c.f. also Rist/ Schopp 1976, p. 55 Verse 11: "Hier frist der Krieg das arme Land / Dort wird die Stadt zerrissen / Bald folgt die Thewrung / bald die Pest Und was sich sonst nicht zehlen lÄst / Das kommt auff einen Bissen."

4. Information about Rist: Mannack 1988 ff.; Reichelt 1982.

5. Rist/ Schopp 1976, Vorrede Sheet A V. und Vorrede zum Vierdten Zehn (1642), Sheet A VIII.

6. Rist 1967 ff., V, pp. 109, 152-154, 174f., 180.

7. C.f. Jansen 1964, p. 108.

8. Rist 1967 ff., I, p. 1-115, see the afterword p. 283.

9. C.f. Jansen 1964, p. 22.

10. Already in 1640 Rist had published a "Kriegs- und Friedens-Spiegel" for Holstein. C.f. Hansen 1872, pp. 48-53.

11. Rist 1978, pp. 1-4.

12. Rist 1978, pp. 582-617.

13. As to V. 44 Rist refers to his earlier Krieg- und Frieden-Spiegel.

14. Rist 1978, Verses 502-513.

15. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 1-203.

16. Rist 1967 ff., II, Vorbericht, pp. 14-16.

17. Rist 1967 ff., II, Erste Handlung (Akt), pp. 45-82.

18. C.f. Jansen 1964, pp. 7 and 120.

19. Jansen 1964, pp. 83-126.

20. Jansen 1964, pp. 127-155.

21. Jansen 1964, pp. 156-203.

22. C.f. Jansen 1964, p. 147 f.

23. Jansen 1964, pp. 14-29.

24. Exhibition catalogue Unna 1988, No. 158 p. 135.

25. Exhibition catalogue Unna 1988, No. 288 p. 194 and Harms 1980 ff., IV, No. 269.

26. Ditfurth 1877, pp. 1-4.

27. Schottelius 1900.

28. Rist 1978, pp. 833-842.

29. Rist 1978, pp. 843-856.

30. The Treaty of Nuremberg of 1650 also gave occasion to the peace verses of the Kitzingen pastor, Johann Klaj. However, they do not approach the religious and theological quality of Rist's verse. C.f. Klaj 1968.

31. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 205-459.

32. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 219-221.

33. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 242-286.

34. Hansen 1872, p. 167 f.

35. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 221-228.

36. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 286-318; c.f. Vorrede p. 228f.

37. Rist 1967 ff., II, pp. 318-365.

38. Rist 1967 ff., II, Dritte Handlung, pp. 389-359.

39. Rist 1967 ff., II, Vorrede p. 232.



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