"Ganz Münster ist ein Freudental" [1] - "All of Münster is a valley of joy!" was the phrase to characterise the congressional city during the negotiations of the Peace of Westphalia. And this was no exaggeration. Relying on written records, a schedule of events can be reconstructed indicating approximately 100 festivities between May 1643 and Spring 1649. [2] The complex gamut of diverse festive celebrations can be generally systematised with regard to the particular occasion, to those organisers who belonged to the citizenry of Münster and to those who were peace negotiators themselves. The festivities partly served as entertainment and were employed in order to pass the time during the summer months when only few negotiations took place, but they also fulfilled specific political and diplomatic functions in the overall course of the congress. The solemn entrances of the diplomats into the congressional city are particularly suitable to eluminate the political purpose of those festivities. "Distinctions are made in the reception of the various envoys according to whether they are delegates representing the Emperor or the kings, electors, princes, and counts of the Empire... Sometimes they hold a very splendid and dignified procession, other times they lack demonstrative solemnity and enter quietly..." [3] According to Rohr's description, the primary function of the ceremonial entrance was to provide the envoys with the opportunity to introduce themselves and their sovereign rulers to the people of Münster, for the character of the ceremonious reception was dependent on status. A complaint by Wettstein, the mayor of Basel, indicates to what extent outward appearance was judged by the public. In his journal, he emphasised that on the occasion of a formal visit he "had to do his best, at a certain point, to cover the considerably difficult distance." [4]

However, not every legation arriving in Münster had the right or the financial means to hold a celebratory and ceremonious procession. The arrival of representatives from smaller dominions and estates of the Empire was notified to the public by announcement, whereas envoys of the Emperor, the Kings, and the States General, as well as treaty mediators and electors had the privilege of a festive reception. Indeed, ceremonial and status hierarchy were not artificial constructs in the rank- and status-oriented societies of the Baroque period, but they were symbolic systems which were generally understood and served to keep an ordering structure on both state and international levels.

For the arrival of the first imperial envoy on July 13, 1643 [5], the citizenry of Münster familiarised themselves with the customary solemn reception of visitors: representatives of the armed citizenry were sent through the Aegidii Gate to meet the envoy who, escorted by two cohorts, entered the city saluted by gun fire and welcome speeches. [6] This manner to welcome a higher guest corresponded to traditional Christian ceremonies for popes, kings, and - in accord with their respective grade - for high-ranking military and diplomatic officials. Since no sovereign envoy other than the imperial legate sojourned in Münster during the summer of 1643, members of the highest ranking citizens and groups in the city acted as the receiving committee. The imperial envoy, as the representative of the Emperor, was granted the greatest ceremonial reception at the time, because he merited the highest amount of reverence. Accordingly the imperial was flanked on both sides by armed citizen soldiers during the ceremony. In the annals of the Jesuit Heinrich Turck, the listing of groups that had proceeded into the city with the imperial envoy Johann Ludwig Count of Nassau-Hadamar was arranged by rank and status. Attention to such detail was not unusual, but rather a recurrent feature in such reports. [7] With such accurate survey of everyone actually present, one could demonstrate that all important groups had participated in the festivities and had thereby sanctioned the events.

Relying on Turck's topographical descriptions, Nassau's entry route can be reconstructed with relative certainty. The procession entered the city through the Aegidii Gate and, via the Rothenburg, turned off to go to the market square. At the front of the townhall, they passed the entrance of the cathedral courtyard where the Count had been established in a canon's house. This route was by no means a new choice, but rather was the usual course in Münster for similar occasions when arriving parties entered the city through the Aegidii Gate. Besides the artillery shots from the ramparts, all bells in the city were sounded so that the procession equalled a triumphal parade: flowers, guild and corporation symbols, and other decorations were carried in honour of the new arrival and fixed to the buildings along the route. All elements of the celebration collectively underlined the day's festive character; even the citizen soldiers who wore partially uniform and the rows of burghers flanking the road served as "decoration" for the city in this instance. The magnificence of the procession documented the rank of the sovereign who was represented by the arriving legation. Indeed, the number of participants, horses, and coaches, as well as other splendid decorations gave the entourage a special appearance and represented a measure of sovereign authority. [8] These prestige factors were clearly foreign to the Jesuit Turck, who apparently only identified Nassau's family members in the suite. [9] In contrast, the secretary of the French plenipotentiary d'Avaux, who experienced the solemn entry as billeting officer, described the accoutrements and extent of the festive procession in more detail. As an example, d'Avaux's secretary took notice of the fact that Nassau was equipped with merely ten carriages (apart from the wine barrels) for his entire baggage, a scarcity which was, in his opinion, typical of a German. [10] A more accurate description of the coaches and the equipment of the members of the court was not given by the Frenchman even though Nassau's household, with its seventy-two people, primarily aristocratic companions, attendants, servants, and coach personnel belonged to the ten largest of the entire congress. [11] Only one conclusion can be drawn from this significant gap in observation: D'Avaux's secretary abstained from writing a detailed description of the festive procession because Count Nassau's procession was not seen as magnificent enough by the French envoys who could easily imagine something much grander.

Neither the French observer nor Turck reported about a present for Nassau's welcome in the form of wine, grain, or fish by the municipal council. In this case, however, we may extrapolate that such a gift was indeed offered to Nassau from the councillors' presenting the second imperial envoy, the lawyer Dr. Isaac Volmar with nearly "1 barrel of wine and 3 moldt oats" on October 9, 1643. Supplementing the picture of a solemn entry, Volmar's journal records his request to the Hessian General Lieutenant Eberstein in Wesel for a trumpeter among other items as accompaniment to Münster. [12] Acoustic demonstration of the rank of the arriving party was customarily set great store by and, for this reason, had already been sounded during Volmar's journey to Münster; even less musical accent of this sort would not have been parted with during a ceremonious reception. The most favoured time for the procession was the afternoon, which indicates that the festive arrangement was meant to be staged as the highlight of the day for the city's public. A celebration of this kind usually found its official end the following morning with the announcement of the envoy's arrival.

The fact that the other legations were not present in Münster [13], might have been one reason for the generally sparse setting of the celebration, since it was only meant to impress the general population and not the competing embassies: Consequently, it was not necessary to take to other measures in order to put the Emperor's status in contrast to the "only" royal courts and their envoys. The reception of the imperial legation served instead for the initial attempt to set standards and norms for these representations. This can be verified by Ferdinand III's instructions and orders as regards the conduct of his envoys for the arrival of the diverse legations in Münster. [14] Moreover, the activities of the municipal council provide further evidence. In the October 22, 1643, meeting, the councillors discussed the imminent arrival of the various legations, and in addition to the presentation of an appropriate gift of welcome, they concluded "that above all, the legates of the crowned heads of state should be honoured with the respectful firing of artillery and furthermore, with distinction and a festive reception, also through the arrangement of representatives of armed and equipped citizenry and [...] that gun salutes should also be fired in honor of the envoys from Venice and the States General." [15] The resolution demonstrates that the municipality of Münster attempted to maintain a neutral position in relation to all the legations. This is quite remarkable: Up to this point, the question of equal treatment of both the Republic of Venice and the European kingdoms with respect to their legal status was not regulated by international law. Even France, in the preliminary stages of the negotiations of the Peace of Westphalia, questioned any equalisation by means of ceremony. Ceremonial differences persisted as the congress proceeded, overshadowing the festivities as well.

These relatively unadorned processions of the imperial envoys Nassau and Volmar in the summer of 1643 served as "prototypes" for subsequent festive receptions. Thereafter, the international character of the peace negotiations was shaped by the arrivals of the Spanish plenipotentiaries Zapata, Brun and Saavedra as well as the Venetian mediator Contarini following the same year. Even though the outward appearance of the procession procedures and the tributes throughout the city of Münster were essentially not different from the imperial processions, the representations were continually enhanced. They became a heightened political issue through meticulous observation and detailed documentation by the representatives of the other sovereign powers. In this context, the solemn reception of the legations by the other envoys who were already present is highly significant, since reverential display of this kind was not customary. [16]

Subsequent festive entries were influenced by ongoing discussions about the envoys' order of precedence and the character of the processions. The ceremonial issues became more complex with the growing presence of diverse embassies. When the first mediator, the papal nuncio Chigi on March 19, 1644, arrived, subliminal tensions conspicuously surfaced. Ferdinand III feared a clash between the claims of imperial prestige with the anticipated claims of the arriving ecclesiastical train led by the papal nuncio. Hence, he ordered his deputies to meet Chigi and greet him, but not to escort him formally in a festive ceremony. Both Nassau and Volmar rejected this solution for a number of reasons. They suggested to the Emperor that the papal nuncio might perceive this kind of behavior as a personal affront that would influence subsequent negotiations. They were also alive to tactical implications: if, for example, a French diplomat would arrive in Münster before the arrival of the papal representative, he would have the opportunity not only to ride out to meet Chigi, but also to accompany him in the procession and thereby gain the papal nuncio's sympathies. Finally, Nassau and Volmar addressed the relationship between France and Spain in their argument. If the imperial delegates were absent while the French were present in the procession, then the eruption of a dispute between the representatives of these two sovereign powers about the right of precedence would be almost unavoidable.

This assessment turned out to be realistic as can be ascertained by the bearing of the French envoy when he rode out to meet the papal party when arriving: d'Avaux, who had himself accredited as an envoy three days earlier, accepted the imperial delegate's right of precedence but not that of the accompanying cavalry. Out in the open field, the cavalry was separated from the imperial coach by a loud command that was sounded to the French coachman, and thus, the French coach was able to take the position directly behind the imperial carriage. In his report to the French regent, d'Avaux accounted for this action with rumours in Münster about the likelihood of a Spanish association with the imperial legation during the journey. He further explained that the French cavalry had been sent out of the city for the sole purpose of preventing Spain's unjustified appropriation of the second position in the European hierarchy at the expense of France. [17] His argumentation illustrates that participation in a ceremony of this kind did not primarily serve to honour the arriving party, but rather to demonstrate and strengthen one's own position. In this case, for the French, the anticipated behaviour of the Spanish was evidently crucial. After the Habsburg dynasty had divided into the Austrian and Spanish branches, a permanent rivalry had begun with regard to international order; Philip II of Spain challenged Charles IX of France for second place behind the Emperor in the European hierarchy, while Charles IX persisted in claiming his privilege and referred to a papal arbitration from 1558. [18] The ongoing conflict had impeded all bilateral contacts ever since. However, this problem had not been relevant for the preceding processions in Münster because the French representatives had not yet arrived. While preparing Chigi's reception, the Spanish, who were aware of the changes in precedence, had also attempted to influence the imperial envoys to renounce going out to meet the arrival. The imperials rejected the proposal since this would have countered their own diplomatic strategy. After d'Avaux had used the Venetian mediator Contarini as a mouthpiece to spread the information throughout Münster that the French coach would be willing to use violence if necessary to take the position behind the imperial coach, the Spanish were forced to make a decision; so much the more, as they learned that the armed French cavalry was instructed "to strike, if someone [should] want to force his way in between." [19] In the first place, the Spanish force could not have matched the French at an open display of violence, but, just as important, the Spanish had to take Chigi's position into account, which would be in accordance with the papal arbitration and, hence, to their disadvantage. Left to their own devices, the Spanish preferred to stay away from the festive procession altogether. The official reason they gave for their absence was the belated formal announcement of the papal nuncio's arrival time but it is to be inferred from the account in diverse contemporary sources that this was only a pretext. [20] The French report that the Spanish had been just about to leave the city in order to meet the legation [21] can be understood in this context as an exaggerated representation of France's triumph.

Just as the Spanish stayed away for their best interests, so was the absence of the mediator Contarini determined by the political position of Venice: Venice was in an outright state of war with the Pontifical State, a fact that obviated a meeting between the mediators from the beginning. [22] Contarini, however, did not admit this, but in his dispaccio he reported minutely about this ceremonial procession he had not actually joined in. He finally contended that it had not been worthwhile for any of the participants of the procession because numbers in the train had been low and even Chigi's carriage had not been present. [23] This description is likely to have consciously understated the equipment of the procession, but it enabled Contarini to more pointedly depict the difference between the representations of the Holy See and the Republic of Venice. By the same means Contarini underscored his own position in Münster: if the papal nuncio was so indifferent to prestige issues, then the reputation of the Republic of Venice would have to suffer no disadvantage through the boycott - in fact, its rank was even indirectly strengthened. Effecting this impression on the other parties in Münster was all the more important for the Venetian since Chigi as the representative of the Padre Commune, the Holy Father, had a natural bonus with most of the Catholic legates and the population of Münster. Contarini could conclude that his political strategy, which was not to intervene between France and Spain but merely to pass on respective information, had been effective: the Spanish did not show up at all for the greeting of Chigi, while the tension between d'Avaux and the imperial envoys overshadowed his entrance. On the whole, Contarini's passive role could be rated as a credit to the Republic of Venice's image as well as his own reputation, in particular with respect to the fact that all important diplomats had demonstrated their reverence for the Venetian by attending his solemn entrance, in contrast to that of Chigi.

Apparently Chigi attempted to compensate for the deficiency in his presentation by his choice in scheduling. Already expected as peace mediator in Münster, the papal nuncio offered in his procession a highly stylized image of himself as the bearer of peace. [24] His attending train comprised primarily clergymen, it had a more modest appearance, [25] in contrast to the other legations, and thus, it did not strive to take part in the competition for prestige with the other negotiating parties. By utilising this for the purpose of his mission, he was able to underline the importance of his role as mediator. Further, the traditional position of the Pope as mediator and peacemaker was indirectly reconfirmed.

In order to end the time-consuming discussion about precedence as well as the resulting conflicts, Chigi insisted that the French plenipotentiary, the Duke of Longueville, on his arrival on June 30, 1645, should be received only by his fellow French diplomats and the representatives of France's allies. As a result of this arrangement, the French employed their own resources in order to compensate for the substantial shortening of the procession. To the annoyance of their adversaries, the French legation as a whole boasted, for example, ten exceedingly luxuriously ornamented coaches accompanied by a vast train of followers. The procession was divided into forty-one sections, in which the first half reached from the vanguard to the trumpeters, including baggage coaches, officers, cavalry, footmen, etc., and the trumpeters walking directly in front of Reumont, the town major, and the gilded carriage of the arriving Duke of Longueville. The second half of the train comprised the coaches of the new arrival and the receiving party, both of which were accompanied by their own followers as well as a rearguard. Fine weather after a rainy spell effectively underscored the particularly festive character of the entry and chimed in with the flourish of bright colours in the livery of the attendants, which mirrored the luxury of the material used. Even the animals, the group of saddle-horses or the twelve mules, for instance, displayed extensive decoration: they were covered with blankets made of blue silk abundantly adorned with golden borders and symbolic embroidery (lilies symbolising the Bourbon dynasty). Attaching themselves to this section dominated by blue and gold colours, Longueville's servants joined the train with their "yellow leather jerkins and scarlet red pants and coats" [26] set off with silver lace. The pages also wore red coats and pants, but made a contrast with their sea-green satin lining. Longueville's train concluded with twenty-five cavalrymen, who, dressed in various colours and riding in rows of three, demonstrated the prosperity of the duke through abundant gold and silver decorations. D'Avaux's attendants appeared in black livery, while Servien's followers, who also participated in the procession, wore new steel-green uniforms with red, golden and silver decoration. All of these elements are recognisably related to Christian colour and numerical symbolism. As they symbolised universality and human strength, as well as worldly power, order, and authority [27] the numbers six and twelve were apparently dominant.

When a diplomat arrived and was not accompanied by representatives of the foreign powers in the city, his arrival did not necessarily go unobserved. Often, the diplomats of opposition parties switched their status to that of observers. Even though it is most likely that "spies" were mixed into the general population lining the streets, the envoys themselves did not want to miss the spectacle: Nassau, for example, watched Longueville's entrance from a house in the Rothenburg street [28], without trying to hide his curiosity or remain incognito. By donating wine to the populace and entertaining visitors from all over Westphalia, Longueville was able to influence the reception and create a highly impressive event. [29] The importance of such festive elements is clearly indicated by the manner of their recording: They were mentioned in a passage of an enclosed report found in the Swedish correspondence. It has to be noted that the Swedish resident rode in the main coach of the French legation since this gave occasion to the allies for basking in powerful splendour. The significance of this procession is to be seen in direct dependence on the capture of Maasdijk, which was made public at the same time [30]; in this light, the entry was a triumphal parade for the French diplomats. Their bearing documents not only an unlimited sense of self-confidence, but also the recognition of their own advantageous position in the negotiations which had been overshadowed up to this point by the incalculable military situation and rivalry within the legation. Taken as a whole, this festive ceremonious reception exceeded everything that had taken place in the congressional city so far, and newspapers and reports were distributed throughout Europe recounting the event.

After the French spectacle, Spain's principal envoy Peñaranda, who wanted to accredit himself as an envoy only a few days later on July 5, 1645, found himself in a predicament: Spain, which had always attempted to postulate pre-eminence over France, could not match Longueville's show of luxury. Further difficulty for the entry ceremony of Peñaranda's arose from the problem of communicating with the electoral representatives. Lacking instructions, Peñaranda did not want to address them with the predicate "Excellency"; at this the legates of the electors expressed incomprehension and attempted to procrastinate in order to solve the problem of title. [31] In order to thwart this plan, the Spaniard publicly entered the city just an hour after the conference held by the electoral representatives, thus surprising even the town major. Reumont did in fact ride out to meet him, but "in his haste, he presented only two companies of soldiers with their attachments and had only one salute fired." [32] However, the hurried and modest procession had several advantages: Peñaranda received praise for his restraint by contemporaries like the Jesuit Turck [33] and financial resources were saved. In addition, the discussion of precedence came to an end to the advantage of the Spanish in that the electors' status was consigned to that of the imperial princes. Nevertheless, this unusual behaviour also evoked criticism as is evident from the reports of the other diplomats. There was talk of "quiet ceremony" and direct comparisons were drawn to Longueville's entrance. [34] This negative reception is reflected most clearly in the report of the Danish diplomat Clain, who gave detailed description of the cavalcade of the pages, who "ran through the gate like pigs." [35] It is to be expected that this report was circulated by Spain's adversaries.

Clearly, these public festivals influenced politics. Presentations, demonstrations, and pretensions of power first and foremost took place on an international level. The festivities arranged in the congressional city of Münster offered a prime opportunity to underline the power issues evident in the representative processions. With the processions, adopting a more or less normative form, the preceding discussions and their practical consequences proved to be the most important aspect of these events. The arriving party was certainly shown respect by being solemnly met, and yet various elements of the ceremony served as a forum to acknowledge latent arguments about precedence. Once the Spanish were uncertain whether they would be honoured with the position immediately behind the imperial representatives, they avoided competition with the French; they did not appear, pleading court mourning, delayed notification, and the like as an excuse. Another variation that became more popular during the course of the negotiations consisted in riding in the carriage of a higher-ranking legate, thereby raising one's own status. Wartenberg, as the highest-ranking representative of the Electoral College, regularly secured his precedence in that he invited his colleagues into his coach during the ceremonial receptions and, in this way, secured the lead. In addition, joined participation in a parade overtly demonstrated association and solidarity between two negotiating parties. In the whole course of the peace negotiations all details that were relevant for the prestige of the represented states were meticulously noted and evaluated.

Despite the self-interests of the various states, one should not forget the serious and deep-rooted desire for peace expressed by the population suffering from the misery of the war. The envoys appeared to meet this expectation precisely by the staging of magnificent celebrations while veiling tactical delays and setbacks in the negotiations at the same time. Indeed, they used the festivities as an outward show of power, willingness to negotiate, as well as of glory.

In assessing the brilliant procession of the Duchess of Longueville, one must take into account that her arrival in Münster was "only" that of a family member (withdrawn from the influence of the Parisian court) and not that of an authorised negotiator. In this case, one cannot deny the pretentious character of the extravagant arrangement, which was primarily meant to be a show of power. Even on the level of urban life the effects of such festivities can be seen: many of the inhabitants of the city were observers and beneficiaries of the processions. But they were also the first to criticise the celebrations. While the festivities were supposed to be the highlight of the day, each new arrival was pressured by the expectations of the public continually to intensify and heighten the extravagance of the processions - which also amplified international competition. Consequences of this sort illustrate that the public festivities served the specific interests of the envoys by the help of displaying political power to the general public. However, they did not primarily serve to influence and entertain the audience, but rather they had a positive diplomatic and political function in the overall negotiations. The ceremonial processions were specifically employed as a device to define clearly and demarcate perceptibly one's own position within an international system which was in the process of being developed. In the meantime, the processions offered an opportunity to form semi-official contacts. Anticipating the imminence of peace the public all too willingly interpreted these stage-managed self-representations as visible evidence of progress in the negotiation.

FOOTNOTES