"Enfin, Monseigneur, c'est un homme du monde,

des moeurs reglées, agréable en conversation,

discret et accomodant."

Pierre Chanut, ambassador to France at Stockholm,

to Mazarin, February 1648.



A significant trait in the literature and the arts of the Baroque is the interest in emblematic imagery. [1] The tradition had started in the Italian Renaissance, with Andrea Alciati's Emblemata (1531) as a prominent pioneer, and was followed by a rich flowering of emblem books in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. This phenomenon has for long been noticed by researchers; using emblematic sources has been popular among iconographers who have tried to decipher iconological sutbleties in still-life painting or other categories in the visual arts.

The spread of this vogue was apparently due to its capacity to open up a secret world behind the veil of reality. As a counterpoint to the rationalist tradition in the arts that had been introduced by Leon Battista Alberti with his rationalization of sight and the introduction of mathematical principles as a basis of art theory, emblematics had their roots in hermetic and Neoplatonic thought as it developed in the late fifteenth century. It is reasonable to speak of an undercurrent of ideas that opened up possibilities to shed light on the paradoxes of life.

Among those who were captured by the lure of emblematics was Schwering Rosenhane (1609-63), Swedish resident at Münster during the peace negotiations 1643-47. Rosenhane arrived in June 1643 and described, in his autobiography, his stay in the city as "the happiest and most pleasant years" of his life. [2] He was extremely well accommodated at a house owned by Bernhard Rottendorff (1594-1671), a doctor of medicine and humanist poet who was also the owner of a magnificent library that was frequently visited by his Swedish guest. [3] Rosenhane had a large household and mentions particularly a butler, two secretaries and a German priest. His home was the only place in the city where protestants such as envoys and foreign people could gather, to have their exercitium Lutheranae Religionis. In his house, he could also receive Count Johan Oxenstierna and Johan Adler Salvius, the two Swedish envoys who took part in the peace negotiations at Osnabrück. Since the two Swedish diplomats were stationed here, Rosenhane often went to see his countrymen in the protestant camp. In his political activity he took a central position in the contracts between the Swedish and French envoys, as representing the allies. Everything, he says, passed through his hands. Acting as a kind of intermediary he gained an excellent knowledge of "the state of the world" and praised the intimate contacts with the French people. He enjoyed conversation with "the wisest and most learned men who had gathered from all parts of Europe". Throughout his life, Rosenhane indulged in reading and book collecting and part of his library was bought during his stay at Münster. In 1629 when beingh a member of a Swedish embassy to England, his interest in poetry was aroused and he started wo write carmina. This activity has contributed to launching him as a candidate for the identity of the anonymous author called Skogekär Bergbo, an important name in the Swedish literature of the time. Accordingly the diplomatic mission did not exclude literary undertakings. Rosenhane mentions that he composed a book on genealogy and political emblems which he dedicated to Queen Christina.

No wonder that the intellectual environment at Münster stimulated his bent for humanistic studies and writing. Among his acquaintances was the Spanish envoy, don Diego Saavedra Fajardo, author of Idea'de un principe politico christiano, the first edition of this well-known work was published in 1640. Rosenhane reports that he met with Saavedra at a banquet arranged by a mayor of Münster named Plönies. The Spanish colleague is lively characterized as a man of a bizarre humour and heavy inter pocula. Moreover, he appreciated Rosenhane's knowledge of the Spanish language; the Swedish diplomat praised his Empresas Politicas and Saavedra even had the book sent for and gave it to Rosenhane who recieved it in the quarto edition. Rosenhane may even have submitted information on the Gothic tradition, so important to Swedish patriotism and mentality, when Saavedra at Münster wrote his work Corona Gothica.

The emblem book mentioned by Rosenhane as dedicated to the Queen is preserved as a manuscript in the Royal Library of Stockholm and illustrated by Pieter Holsteyn the Younger, one of the Dutch artists who settled at Münster when the peace negotiations were drawing to a close. It is called Hortus Regius and was edited with commentaries in 1978. [4] The emblematic drawings of the volume are combined with extensive sentences and quotations taken from political writers and describe ideal norms and typical situations, displaying a characteristic oscillation between the norms and the changing world of political realities. Fraud in the Machiavellian sense of the word could be allowed without sacrificing Christian morality, the final result being an attempt to find a harmony between these polarities. Rosenhane appears as an adherent of the ideas of constitutionalism as discussed in contemporary political theory.

Among the emblematic writings by Rosenhane, observed but never discussed by researchers, is a manuscript of four pages, preserved at Uppsala University library. [5] Generally it can be seen as a compliment to Hortus Regius. As can be seen from inserted figures from 1 to 20, Rosenhane probably pondered the publication of a collection selected from about a hundred sentences in Latin and seventy emblematic drawings that are included in the manuscript. His idea may have been to get in contact with an artist who could carry out his intentions in drawings of artistic quality, as was done in the case of Hortus Regius. Such a collection would have summed up much of his experiences in the field of diplomacy as well as of what he calls, in one of his sentences, conditio nostra. Contrary to Hortus Regius, this manuscript contains no explicit references to political writers and can not be regarded as a plea for any particular political system. There are lines inspired by classical authors, whether the fruit of studies in the library or belonging to a general store of quotations as part of the humanistic legacy.

In the following pages, an attempt will be made to explore more precisely Rosenhane's place in the emblematic tradition. This would show his acquaintance with predecessors but also the way in which he used the common storehouse of emblematics in order to express ideas rooted in moral philosophy as well as different kinds of private convictions. This approach could hopefully contribute to an understanding of the mental climate in circles that had to take important decisions at a crucial moment of political history. Rosenhane was by no means alone in the Swedish situation as an amateur committed to this kind of aristocratic pastime; another prominent example is Count Magnus Gabriel De la Gardie, Swedish diplomat at Paris in the 1640s, later Chancellor or the Realm and of Uppsala University. His manor environments show his great interest in emblematic decorations, as can be seen in representative interiors as well as in the palace chapels. [6] Rosenhane in his palace at Stockholm had emblems painted on the walls, departing from those to be found in Hortus Regius. This opens up the question to which extent this sphere of interest could be seen as just a way of joining the bandwagon of a contemporary fashion or whether it reflected a deeper belief that basic ideas in human intercourse could preferably be communicated by using a metaphorical language. If so, it would be possible to approach the emblematic imagery from the point of view of psycholinguistics. Accordingly these cryptic drawings and sentences may prepare an access to the mind of a man who was a learned humanist but who also keenly observed the moves and countermoves on the political scene and had daily occasions to ponder the gamble of power. It should be noticed that, during his time as Swedish ambassador at Paris after the stay at Münster, he continued to cultivate his political interests and anonymously published a pamphlet on la Fronde. [7]

In Hortus Regius, Rosenhane had several opportunities to show his knowledge of modern and classical authors. In our manuscript, there are some sentences that are taken, directly or indirectly, from classical literature. Here just one example. Among the emblems in a hand keeping a fishing-rod, together with the sentence Semper tibi pendeat hamus (You should always have the hook / or the bait / hanging out). This admonition to adopt a wait-and-see policy is, perhaps surprisingly taken from Ovid Ars amandi 3, 425 (Casus ubique valet; semper tibi pendeat hamus). The difference is that it is now part of a context where it acquires a more general meaning than in the original text.

Some basic ideas from the startingpoint for Rosenhane's general outlook of life. Most important is Neostoicism, the dominating trend in the intellectual life of the seventeenth century. Inspired by his philological studies in Roman literature and philosophy, Justus Lipsius had once made his successful attempt to combine ancient Stoicism with Christian morality, as testified by his influential treatise De constantia (1584). The result was a doctrinal system of great homogeneity, capable of being adapted to different demands; the impact in the Swedish ambiente can be traced in the maxims of Queen Christina and the writings of the great poet and humanist Georg Stiernhielm. A leading principle is nobilitas animi which could be adapted to professions such as the warrior, civil servants, diplomats and others who had their career in a meritocratic society. But knowledge of these principles constantly had to be adjusted to political reality. The emblems and the sentences supply the reader with practical advice that transforms the images and their sentences to a florilegium of the kind that was collected as part of the academic and aristocratic education. [8] Consequently the emblems take the character of admonitory addresses, often departing from everyday objects and experiences. Some of the metaphors Rosenhane apparently collected from experiences of his country household, set down in a treatise called Oeconomia which has been edited in modern times. Speaking about the decoration of gardens, he recommends, among other things, emblemata. [9]

The polarities of Virtus and Fortuna as introduced by the Italian Renaissance constantly form the background of Rosenhane's emblematic thinking. Among the sketches in the manuscript is also a drawing of Fortune, partly crossed out, together with commentaries. The goddess is standing on a sphere, displaying two faces corresponding to her changing interference in human life: a menacing attitude, combined with a cross, sword and fetters in her hand, in contrast to a mild countenance and a cornucopia. The dichotomy is also to be found in a literary draft, labelled Faber Fortunae which takes a general view of the vicissitudes of life.

A wealth of visual devices is used to illustrate man's struggle with fickle Fortune; ships, the windmill and the sphere take their place as well established symbols of chance, whereas prudence is associated with the cubic form. Virtus is constantly referred to as the final goal of all human endeavour, reigned by Divine Providence. Constantia and patientia are repeatedly enhanced as weapons against the trials of life. According to the well-known legacy of Stoic determinism, it is important to remain unaffected by different kinds of passions and inflictions. The emblems indicate a range of strategies to master the difficulties. In this way, the seaman has to take advantage of the winds and remind himself that security is never to be found at open sea, nor in the harbour; it is important to be prepared for all kinds of encounters and know how to despise unessential things, to a be aware that fraud and cunningness carry their own punishment, etc.

A typical way of expounding the language of an emblem inspired by the Italian tradition may be illustrated by a look at one of the central symbols which according to Paolo Giovio in his Dialogo delle Imprese militarie amorose (1555) is considered to have been Alciati's personal emblem. It is explained in the commentaries by Claude Mignault (Claudius Minos) that regularly belonged to the Alciati editions. Together with the lemma Virtuti Fortuna comes, previously used by a noble lawyer, a caduceus is depicted, crowned by the winged hat of Mercury and showing wings as well. [10] Two snakes are twined around the caduceus, together with two cornucopiae. The caduceus as a symbol of virtues such as wisdom and eloquence indicate the path to a successful life, and the meaning can be adapted to all learned and wise men (ad quocumque doctos & sapientes homines). According to Mignault's interpretation, the emblem represents the didactic capacity of a diligent orator to attain peace by doing justice among dissidents.

The basic elements of this emblem are preserved in one of Rosenhane's drawings, whether inspired directly by Alciati or anyone of he followers in the expanding literature of emblematics. He has now chosen the sentence His dotibus aude, apparently still centered on the essential meaning of the original invention. A hand is stretched out of the clouds, a favourite device in emblems and imprese, grasping a winged caduceus crowned by a cornucopia and intertwined with the two snakes. The rewarding value of prudence and eloquence is thus emphasized, indicating fundamental ideas in public life. The lemma is an open challenge to use the talents at hand, in order to gain success.

Let us choose another idea that can be traced back to the Renaissance. A dog is seen barking at the moon. In the Swedish situation, this device was used by Stiernhielm in a manuscript when combining the dog with the sentence Canis sydus adlatrans which corresponds to Alciati's Inanis impetus. [11] Rosenhane links up with the tradition by giving another version, Non moror latratus. It is reason to believe that he should have accepted the explanation to be found in Alciati as well as launched by the poet: like the moon who quietly moves along its path, a man without vices leads a quit life, smiling at yelps and despising the gossip of the crowd.

A pessimistic attitude comes out when Rosenhane creates an emblem that had been formulated already by Pierio Valeriano in his Hieroglyphica. The spider's web is used as a metaphor illustrating that the laws of society are fragile and do not guarantee the rights of the poor. The idea was repeated by Joachim Camerarius by using the same visual device, known also by Stiernhielm. [12] The web catches the small insects whereas wasps and gadflies brutally find their way through the meshes. Rosenhane's drawing is combined with the telling sentence Capiunt subtilia muscas.

One of the emblems in Hortus Regius describes the career at court and the competition fought on the way up to the summits. [13] Discussed in political literature ever since the sixteenth century, the dangers and temptations of life at court offered situations that could easily be transformed into visual metaphors. As a civil servant, Rosenhane had of course close insights into this world; politically he took a position in favour of the camp dominated by the Oxenstierna family. The fairly utopian idea of finding a peaceful standing far away from the trials of political life is visualized in a drawing combined with the sentence Hic quiescendi meta. A man is sitting on the top of a mountain labelled Mons aulicus; around the slopes are found texts that recommend an iconography of perils and horror such as clouds, lightenings, rain, hail, lions, wolves, snakes and foxes, some of the animals well established symbols of cunning and deceit.

The concentrated message of the emblems is replaced by a fairly extensive programme for an allegorical representation of a young man, facing the challenges of his future life. The text seems to be directed to an artist who would have to tackle a composition loaded with symbolic details. A winged man has to be represented riding a horse with blinkers, the hooves ready to make a leap. In front of the rider a moat and rocks are to be seen, on the opposite side a mare. This would be completed by further details such as fire, wolf, a mirror and the devil. The text reads Talis est conditio nostra.

Emblems often aim at the paradox, a sudden insight as a result of seemingly incompatible opposites. An elegant twist of this idea is demonstrated by Rosenhane when drawing a man rowing a boat. According to the sentence - Faciem quo tendit avertit, vel, quo tendit tergum vertit - he turns his face away from where he steers, or turns the back against the place where he is going. For people familiar with diplomatic practice, this emblem would immediately reflect a world of problematic intercourse.

Although generally sharing the humanist's faith in the dignity of man, Rosenhane often takes a pessimistic attitude, tinged with disillusion, as to the possibilities of achieving happiness and success. We should exploit our own resources as much as possible, and cling to the stability of established norms to be found in prudence and virtue. This would include the capacity to yield to different kinds of obsessions. Freedom never lasts for ever, the bird in the cage as well as the one outside share the same destiny. Dreams of a life in contented retirement mingle with insights into the conflicts of existence. Better yield than venturing into a hopeless fight, and never trust rich and powerful people. In accordance with the Herculean parable, paradigmatic to the Renaissance and his own times, Rosenhane is convinced of labour as the only way to virtue. It is true that he, deeply involved in political affairs, knew the Machiavellian tenets, but he proves to be well aware of the risks of being deceived. As stated in one of the emblems: those who adapt themselves to all sides will never be in accordance with anyone.

Rosenhane's ambitions seem to have been far-reaching indeed. He shared the contemporary idea that knowledge of different kinds of languages was not an end in itself but should be an aid in practical situations. This would also hold true of the visual language. It has been shown that visual metaphors were applied even at the highest political level, in the Council of the Realm, and fulfilled a function analogous to quotations taken from classical literature. [14] The emblems can thus be seen as part of a general educational program; when jotting down his drawings and sentences, Rosenhane may also have thought of his own children whose education was a matter of deep concern to him, as witnessed by letters and written memorials.

However the intentions, Rosenhane was influenced by the moral and intellectual standards of an élite that corresponded to the homogeneity of his message. It remains an attractive idea that he may have ponderes a collection that would combine moral philosophy with the function of a manual which would be useful as a reminder for diplomats and other persons of rank who had to strike a balance between the heights of the nobilitas animi and the practical challenges of political life.

FOOTNOTES