The scholars and artists of the Renaissance, possessed with the rediscovery of classical antiquity and convinced of the incomparable independence of the Greco-Roman culture, often took the circuitous route to classical mythology for the glorification of contemporary heroic figures, be they princes, famous captains or women of consequence. The gallery of historically important personalities of the sixteenth and C to an even greater degree C the seventeenth century forms a new Mount Olympus, where the French King Francis I might appear as Mars or Hercules, while Catherine de Médicis and Queen Elizabeth I are likely to bear the features of Diana or Juno. In general the large number of gods and heroes of classical mythology provided abundant material for the praise of both the condottiere and the emperor. The recourse to mythological representation was sometimes quite successful C as in the Galerie Francis I or the Galerie d'Ulysse in the Castle of Fontainebleau C, other times met with rejection: Whereas the mythological genre as a form of personality cult by no means disappeared at the beginning of the seventeenth century, it was increasingly subjected to criticism. This was directed only toward mythology and not classical antiquity in general: Indeed, the dignity of history was set against the mythological genre. People pointed out the better suitability of the historical framework to represent the virtues of a significant personality, while it also provided convincing evidence that the corresponding virtues could be deduced from the existence of precisely this important personality.

During this period, Antoine de Laval Sully presented his plans for a gallery of historical paintings in the Louvre as a reaction to the mythological excesses of the Italian or Italian-influenced artists previously employed at Fontainebleau [1] and their work, thus anticipating the criticism Félibien would later direct toward Rubens. He accused Rubens of having mixed legend and history, mythological fiction and actual fact in the Galerie des Palais du Luxembourg. [2] As we know, Laval's plans were not approved; as we also know, the historical programme prescribed years later by Councillor of State LeBrun for the hall of mirrors at Versailles was realised, although the painter originally intended to laud the king's virtues in mythological depiction C a cycle of paintings devoted to the deeds of Hercules. [3] Thus there was a large palette to choose from in the seventeenth century. On the one hand there was the mythological approach: While it had to put up with accusations of triviality, it could look back on the significance and prestige of a long tradition and grandiose models. Above all, the mythologising practice possessed the advantage of being able to raise its exaltations to a level of universal validity [4] thanks to the allegorical nature of its figures. On the other hand there was historical representation, in which the apotheoses derived special power from being based exclusively on the truth of the events reported. ("Ornari res ipsa negat, contenta doceri," as Laval wrote [5].) The disadvantage of this choice was that it emphasised the fortuity of the events to which human history is subject.



Jean Valdor's idea for a posthumous glorification of Louis XIII in book form

Such were the theoretical circumstances accompanying the genre of hero laudation when, shortly after the death of Louis XIII, the copper engraver and graphic publisher Jean Valdor formed the idea of producing a large book which would retell the life and deeds of the dead king in poems and engravings. Thanks to a letter written by Valdor to the regent Anne d'Autriche requesting financial support for the project, we know what the book was originally supposed to look like. The idea was, "to illuminate all of the splendid acts, sieges and battles of the deceased king who will remain to us in glorious remembrance." [6] In the sketch accompanying Valdor's petition, the important events from the reign of Louis XIII are not once described by means of a mythological scene. Thus one can safely assume that, from its inception, the book was intended as an appreciation in the historical manner, a decision never questioned by Valdor. It is true that the illustrated book which finally appeared in 1649 included a few scattered figures derived from classical mythology: The title page shows a bust of Louis XIV as a child next to Hercules set against the landscape of the Parnassus; Neptune appears alongside Bellona in "La Défaite dans Riez" and alongside Aeolus in "Le Siège de La Rochelle," while Hercules is seen again in "La Prise de Nancy" and as an allegory of strength in "Le Pont de Cé" where he accompanies Prudentia. In other words, while the mythological deities were not banned entirely from the book, they do not occupy much of its space, and it cannot be maintained that they represent a challenge to the book's historical concept.

Between the first stage of the project and its publication in 1649, it underwent various changes, with regard not to the quality of the praise but to its quantity. Originally Valdor did not limit himself to the sovereign's war deeds. The list of commemorable incidents accompanying the request to Anne d'Autriche includes the royal inauguration and coronation, the king's festive entry into Bordeaux in 1615, his wedding and the succeeding celebrations, the appointment of new Knights of the Holy Spirit in 1620, etc. [7] These significant episodes from the king's civilian life no longer appeared in the publication of 1649, which was devoted exclusively to the king's war-related heroism: The title suggested in the letter to Anne d'Autriche was "La Vie de Louis XIII dit le Juste;" by 1649 it had become Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste. In the final version, the first ten years of the reign were left out entirely. Valdor adhered to a strict chronological order and began his work with a depiction of the military expedition of 1620, undertaken with the intention of regaining royal command of the city of Caen. Following tedious preparation work lasting "six whole years" if one believes Valdor's statements, [8] the book was undoubtedly published quite precipitately. The years of the Fronde had begun in the kingdom, and the unrest naturally threatened the continuation of this extremely expensive undertaking [9] C not to mention the fact that Valdor had sworn obedience to Mazarin, whose political situation had become exceedingly awkward by 1649. [10] There is nevertheless no indication that the peaceful events were left out because of the political circumstances. Since most of these incidents took place in the early phase of the reign, engravings depicting them would certainly have been completed before the others. It is more likely that the design of the book itself was modified: Valdor probably made a conscious decision to concentrate on the subject of war, whose realities would serve as a background for the ruler's transfiguration into a hero. This was not possible without a considerable amount of exaggeration, for the military life of Louis XIII C although eventful C was characterised more by promenades on horseback and short attacks than by decisive encounters and magnificent battles.

Jean Valdor, known as a copper engraver active in Paris in the mid-seventeenth century, was also an artist and businessman. A Fleming born in Liège in 1616, he most probably received initial training from his father, a copper engraver himself. In 1637 he went to Rome, [11] where he worked in the vicinity of Andrea Sacchi, the very environment in which the classical aesthetic of the Grand Siècle emerged under the aegis of the Barberini. Valdor left Rome in 1640 and by 1642 was once again working in Paris, where he entered upon a career which promised to be quite successful. Already in 1645, the king granted him one of the apartments maintained in the galleries of the Louvre for artists employed in the royal service. Valdor was also active in other areas: He worked not only as an engraver and graphic publisher but also traded in art to a considerable degree, taking advantage of his connections to Flanders for this purpose. At the same time he served the Prince Elector of Liège as a diplomatic agent. [12] While Valdor's privileged social position is a well-known fact, almost nothing can be said with certainty about his creative work. The little that is known about his oeuvre was reported by Mariette:

This Valdor passed himself off as a painter but did not paint; he began works and then had them carried out to completion by skilful persons who were devoted to him. He boasted of being a connoisseur, was probably a competent art dealer, as eloquent as Mitridate. [13]

Thus, according to Mariette, Valdor was nothing but a swindler and a charlatan whose only talent consisted in concealing his mediocrity with the help of his good connections to artistic circles and his broad knowledge of language. [14] Mariette's harsh judgement was aimed at Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste as well:

In 1649 he published the book "The Triumphs of Louis the Just," for the completion of which he hired various assistants, both draughtsmen and engravers; he wanted people to think, however, that the book was his work alone and he vaunted it in the presence of the powerful. According to everything that has come to my knowledge, he was an intriguer who spent his time doing all kinds of things, but not drawing. [15]

This late assessment C based on the statements of others, as Mariette himself underscored C must be taken with a grain of salt. Nevertheless, to anyone who examines the book published in 1649, no matter how cursorily, it is obvious that Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste was not the work of Jean Valdor alone. The most well-known of the "skilful assistants" employed by Valdor on this occasion is Stefano della Bella. His signature can be found in various places, and elsewhere his draughtsmanship and the firmness characteristic of his copper engravings are easily recognised. [16] The names of only a few other engravers turn up: Jean Marot, who signed the engraved image depicting the king's tomb; Gabriel Ladame, whose signature is to be found under an engraving of the 1639 conquest of the city of Hesdin; Louis Richler, who produced a topographic map appearing in the context of the Wolfenbüttels' subjugation by the Count of Guébriant in 1642; finally René Lochon, whose monogramme accompanies the portrait of the Cardinal of La Valette. Through close examination of the engravings contained in the book, the participation of other known artists has been determined: [17] Michel Natalis, Claude Goyrand and Samuel Bernard incontestably contributed to Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste, as well as C quite probably, but with somewhat less certainty C Israël Silvestre, Pierre Richer, Gilles Rousselet and Pierre Daret. [18] Yet whatever attributions can be made on their basis, examinations of the work have clearly proven that Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste was not the work of a single person. Not until this fact has been established is the real role played by Jean Valdor brought to light: He was the person who initiated the project, he was its inventor, and he was lord over something resembling a major construction site. The diverse provenance of the contributions occasionally leads to fluctuations in quality but has no effect on the stylistic uniformity, which Valdor himself apparently supervised.



The architecture of the book as a gallery and the monarchic ideology

The texts are also the work of different writers; in this case, however, the identity of each respective author is known with certainty. The introductions to Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste include five letters signed by Louis XIV, written between October 14, 1645 and May 3, 1648 and precisely naming the authors commissioned with the various texts: Corneille was to compose the epigrams on the victories, to be found at the lower edge of the engravings; [19] Charles Beys was commissioned with the "heroic verses" printed opposite the epigrams; Henri Estienne, "sieur des Fossés," wrote the devices corresponding to the portraits of famous personalities who assisted Louis XIII in his heroic war deeds; René Barry was the author of the historical segment, a biography of the king accompanying the maps engraved in copper and appearing at the back of the volume. The translations into Latin were carried out by P. Nicolai. The very choice of such pre-eminent authors is evidence of the high standard aspired to with the work. Corneille had reached the height of his fame, Beys enjoyed an excellent reputation among his contemporaries (and not merely the least significant of them: Scarron praised his talent wholeheartedly), Estienne published a book in 1645 entitled "L'Art de faire des devises," proving himself a master of this difficult form. [20] But what is most interesting is the distribution of roles in direct relationship to the structure of the volume. The three parts [21] are constructed like a sequence of galleries C the architecture of the gallery having become extremely fashionable just at this time. [22] Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste are introduced by a picture gallery of battles, accompanied by texts of Corneille and Beys and showing the king at the sites of his triumphs. [23] From there we enter a gallery of famous men, with devices by Henri Estienne appearing opposite each "naturally" conceived portrait. Finally we find ourselves in a gallery of maps providing topographic views of the battlefields. A different literary genre corresponds to each of these galleries: The depiction of military victories is enhanced by the vehemence and energy of heroic poetry ("its strength and boldness," "its splendour and dignity" as Mézeray expresses it in the introductions to the volume, in undisguised praise of Beys), the portrayal of persons by the subtle and sensitive style of the device, the description of the sites of action by the simplicity of the historical report. The entire spectrum of Cicero's stylistic doctrine (genus vehemens, genus medium, genus humile [24]) is represented here. Valdor's book possesses the firmness of a classical work of architecture: The sequence of galleries and the corresponding changes in literary style lend the book the strength and size attained in a building through the superimposition of architectural orders. This is accomplished with the help of congruencies and analogies (historical report and the Doric order, device and the Ionic order, heroic poetry and the Corinthian order).

This monumental aspect of the book's structure supplies merely the foundation for the well-thought-out staging of the king. The deceased king's transfiguration into a hero is then further pursued on two levels: One intention is to create a dwelling worthy of the king's portrait C therefore the palace-like architecture of the consecutive galleries. On the other hand the portrait is to bear the traits of a real, living person, for this is its primary means of arousing great admiration. The general structure of the book serves this second function by presenting the royal hero in his omnipotence and immortality, thus helping him to a kind of wondrous and absolute presence. The feeling of omnipresence is attained in particular through the large number of topographical views in the unchanging arena of the third gallery, an atlas of royal renown. The bringing together of the various theatres of war in a single room inevitably evokes the impression that the ruler is extant, as though he was now presiding over all the sites of his victories simultaneously, and as though the temporal sequence of the events was blurred by the reference to their geography. On the symbolic level, the narrative principle dominating the gallery produces the sense of omnipresence which literary scholars have identified as one of the primary conditions for the heroisation of supreme commanders in the seventeenth century. [25]

As regards the impression of immortality, it is produced chiefly by the organisation of the first gallery, where the various "days" of the royal victories are specified. This enumeration causes the "day" to appear as a fixed unit of time, like a time concentrate so intensive that it takes on the characteristics of eternity [26] C an eternity captured in a single instant. The structure of the first part thus corresponds precisely to the principle dogma of the monarchic religion, according to which C of all men C the king is the most perfect likeness of God. Incidentally, it is remarkable that the king's physiognomy remains unchanged from one picture of this gallery to the next: The face of the monarch is always the same; neither age nor military expeditions have the slightest influence on it. Only the gestures vary C the aspect of the sovereign's body which lends expression to his will, and not that which might betray passion. In the words of a eulogy to Louis XIV, the king abides "in the midst of various movements in an immovable fame" [27] and remains ever the same. Here Valdor's book merely adopts an age-old monarchic ideology. At the time of the book's conception, a period in which monarchic authority had been weakened, this ideology was unquestionably employed to reconfirm the legitimacy of god-given royal power.

The inalterability of the figure of the king is doubtless the most conspicuous feature of Valdor's book. This practice had been elevated to a principle, and resulted in a presentation of war which paradoxically avoids the description of military action itself. To be sure, the king is a heroic warrior, but he is never seen in the heat of the battle. This rule remains practically unbroken. "La Punition des villes rebelles" is one of the few engravings depicting the immediate reality of war: Fighting scenes and a city in flames can be discerned. Yet this action has been relegated to the background, while in the foreground the king, in commander pose, orders the attack. Whereas his escorts are seen marching, the king himself stands with both feet firmly on the ground, both arms stretched forward, his staff in his right hand. Here the king is apparently meant to be presented as a warrior, but at the same time his ceremonious pose would suggest more of a chastising than a fighting king, more an angry autocrat than the leader of his troops. As mentioned above, the engravings in Les Triomphes de Louis le Juste differ in kind and quality, but the differences are of a superficial nature. Behind them the primary intention, pursued with great consistency, becomes manifest: to produce an image of the king containing no other motion than the gesture of supremacy.

This intention stands out all the more when one compares the engravings with contemporary depictions of war, for example Rubens's painting of the Battle of Ivry, portraying Henri IV in the thick of the fight, [28] or the illustrations by Johann Wilhelm Baur for Pater Famiano Strada's book "De bello Belgico," depicting the clashing of armies with much movement and violence. A comparison of the engravings in Valdor's book with their accompanying texts is likewise quite instructive. Right at the beginning of the series of victories, Beys takes recourse to somewhat noisy rhetoric in order to convey the heroicism displayed by Louis XIII during the Caen expedition:

Ne pouvant plus tenir sa vaillance cachée,
Il reconnoist le fort, visite la tranchée,
Et la vertu l'expose au tonnant appareil
Comme un aiglon s'esprouve à l'esclat du soleil. [29]

Arming himself to attack two ferocious furies
Here he erects altars, there he arranges troops,
Bravery and piety are one in him,
Here he takes vows, there he bears weapons,
There he sheds blood, here tears . . .
Where his appearance alone does not ban the rebels,
He raises up his own with new strength:
Saltpetre and fire, when they clash,
Open an aisle for themselves and the soldiers.
The noblemen, beholding the tragic ruins,
Like an entryway, leading to magnificent splendour
Fighting on adroitly through narrow passageways
Subdue the enemy ranks;
The entrenchments become their leaders' graves.
And finally with the walls their courage sinks. [30]

FOOTNOTES