DOCUMENTATION | Exhibitions: 1648 - War and Peace in Europe |
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| Essay Volumes > Tome II: Art and culture |
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HARTMUT LAUFHÜTTE
The Peace Celebrations of 1650 in Nuremberg |
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We know of peace celebrations in many places, but of none are we so well informed as the celebrations of 1649 and 1650 in Nuremberg. While they doubtless represented the most important and splendid of their kind, this fact alone does not suffice to explain their exceedingly rich documentation in word and image. No city of that era was better equipped for this purpose than Nuremberg, chosen with good reason as the site for the negotiations following the conclusion of the peace treaty in Münster and Osnabrück. [1] Nuremberg, which still proudly referred to itself as the true capital of the empire [2], had been neither conquered, plundered, nor wholly or even partially destroyed during the war. [3] At that time the city boasted a thriving printing and publishing trade with a correspondingly wide-ranging production of newspapers and broadsheets. At most, this industry had been hindered by the war through paper shortages and the blockage or damaging of markets; yet provided as it was with a steady supply of occasions and themes, it had never really suffered a setback. [4] An additional stroke of luck was the founding in Nuremberg in 1644 of the "Pegnesischer Blumenorden". The importance of this society of poets in the history of German literature lies in its development, at the instigation of Opitz, of the old lyric-epic tradition of bucolic poetry into a panegyric-utopian form during its period of activity in the 17th century. From its Old Testament and Graeco-Roman beginnings, the constitutive features of this tradition had included the opposition of the peaceful, idyllic life of the shepherd with the generally discordant reality of the present, as well as a predilection for utopian evocations of peace and paradise and a religious interpretation of reality. [5] Thus a natural affinity existed between the Pegnitz shepherds and themes like the ones suggested by the peace treaty of 1648 and the Nuremberg negotiations. In addition, erudite theologians such as Johannes Saubert (1592-1646) [6] and Johann Michael Dilherr (1604-1669) [7], but above all the founder of the order himself, the patrician, Renaissance man, and literary giant Georg Philipp Harsdörffer (1607-1658) [8], contributed to a revitalization of the old bucolic genre in the mode of symbolic figuration characteristic of the age, namely allegory and emblematics. Harsdörffer, who also strove to expose German literature to modern influences from neighboring lands, was able to animate young literati to new and continued creative activity. Thus in the Nuremberg of 1649, the techniques were developed and the literati available not only to witness the events and record them for posterity, but also to help shape their celebratory conclusion - figures such as Harsdörffer himself, Johann Klaj of Meißen (1616-1656) [9], who had probably lived in Nuremberg since 1642, and most important of all, Sigmund Betulius, known after 1655 as Sigmund von Birken (1626-1681). [10]
The negotiations began in April 1649. The months until the conclusion of the treaty in July 1650 saw much labor and much celebration. Both are recorded most extensively in our primary source, the sixth volume (1663) of the Theatrum Europaeum. [11] We can reconstruct the course of the congress day by day with all its difficulties, crises, climaxes, and results. Numerous documents are recorded verbatim. The primary opponents were the delegates of the emperor on the one hand and the crown of Sweden on the other, although representatives of France and the estates of the empire also had a say in the matter, and Spanish interests were implicated as well. The issues were difficult, with much potential for conflict. At stake was the successive and well-balanced dissolution of armies, the removal of troops from occupied locations, and compensation for the surrender of pledges - i.e. the concrete implementation of solutions only formally resolved in Münster and Osnabrück. Repeatedly, the negotiations threatened to fail.
The fact that it never came to the worst, however, seems also to have been a result of the cordial relationship that quickly developed between the leaders of the two most important delegations. The first was Count Palatine Carl Gustav von Pfalz-Zweibrücken (1622-1660), a nephew of Gustav Adolf and only 26 years old at the beginning of the Nuremberg negotiations. Carl Gustav had been commander-in-chief of the Swedish army in Germany since 1648 and pretender to the Swedish throne in the case of the childless death of Queen Christina since 1649; in 1654, he became king of Sweden as Carl X Gustav. The other was the 50-year-old Octavio Piccolomini (1599-1656), since 1639 Duke of Amalfi, one of the very few officers who had already fought in the battle at Weißer Berg, yet lived to see the end of the war. Since 1648, he too had held supreme command as lieutenant general of the imperial armies. [12]
The two great celebrations of the Nuremberg congress were preceded by numerous smaller ones, which likewise constitute a part of the overall picture. At the beginning, the main concern was clearly demonstration and representation. The Swedish delegation - whose membership, along with that of the imperial side, is recorded in detail - arrived in Nuremberg two days after the latter, on April 24/May 4. [13] Three days later, the experts began their work, and on May 1/11 Piccolomini, who, though older, was lower in rank, made a courtesy call to the Count Palatine. [14] Not until the return visit of the count on June 23/July 3, however, does the ice appear to have been broken: the two conversed for almost an hour, and on the next day Carl Gustav and Wrangel made a surprise appearance at a banquet given by Piccolomini and stayed until midnight. [15] Finally, on Tuesday, July 3/13, the Count Palatine gave a banquet for Piccolomini and the two leading imperial negotiators, Aulic Councillors Blumenthal and Lindenspühr, as well as for all high-ranking imperial and Swedish officers, a feast which lasted until the early morning hours. [16] Clearly, both sides pursued a strategy of informal social intercourse conducive to dialogue and the overcoming of crises. For the way to the first irrevocable success in negotiation was arduous, and was delayed even further in the late summer of 1649 by the replacement of the Protestant Aulic Councillor Blumenthal by Dr. Volmar, with the latter's problems of status in relation to Piccolomini, as well as by the death of Empress Maria Leopoldina on July 28/August 7, 1649. [17] Characteristically, on July 15/25, while waiting for a statement from Vienna to relieve the stalemate in negotiations, Piccolomini invited almost all persons of rank on both sides to a banquet in a garden outside the city. [18] Beyond the sphere of the official, dialogue continued.
The first great peace celebration occurred in the aftermath of the most serious crisis up to that point. On the evening of August 18/28, the Swedes and the representatives of the Imperial Diet signed the long-negotiated interim treaty. Yet instead of the authorization awaited by the imperial delegates, objections and misgivings came from Vienna, whereupon the Swedes issued an ultimatum. Not until September 11/21 did the imperial delegates sign the treaty as well. [19]
The Pegnitz poets' society played a role already in the first peace celebration organized by the Swedes following these events, though its members had also appeared earlier as commentators. [20] The first had been the young Sigmund Betulius, whose peace speech had been held in the auditorium of the Augustinian monastery on January 6/16, 1649, before the beginning of the congress. The speech, which Betulius also published together with a thematically appropriate pastoral play in February 1649 [21], defines many of the motifs, but above all large portions of the allegorical-emblematic program used by the Pegnitz shepherds in their contributions to the celebrations and their documentation. Harsdörffer himself played a role in the festivities on the occasion of the interim treaty.
On Tuesday, September 25/October 5, 1649, Count Palatine Carl Gustav gave a festival banquet in the great ballroom of the Nuremberg town hall. The description in the Theatrum Europaeum, most certainly based on contemporaneous reports, opens with an excerpt from the letter of invitation:
"Now that His Most Serene Highness Lord Generalissimus has effected the Peace of Münster through the Interim Treaty, approved and signed by both sides,... and thus ended the Thirty Years' War; he has resolved to prepare a banquet or table of peace for all the most honorable Lord Delegates and in addition to the thanks owed to God for such a gift of Grace ... to demonstrate the greatest possible honor and love to the above-named Lord Delegates, to assure them with good will that the Swedish side desires with all eagerness to restore the German Empire to peace and prosperity ... and to leave it in long-cherished freedom." [22]
We know the names of all 150 participants; we know how the hall was decorated, how the catering was organized, where the musicians were placed, how the seating was arranged, and the choreography by which the guests took their places. [23] The depiction of the festive event stems from Joachim von Sandrart. [24] Based on a set of drawings, a number of partial scenes were apparently disseminated first as broadsheets, appearing later in numerous engraved copies in various publications. [25] We are also informed as to the program of events, which began with the Te Deum and other sacred music, as well as the courses served. [26] The numerous toasts that were drunk were accompanied by martial music and the sound of artillery. [27] The celebration, moreover, also extended to the lower echelons of society, as Sigmund von Birken brings to realistic, albeit poetic expression:
In addition ... two oxen were slaughtered for the poor and infirm and distributed among them with bread and drink, in this way preparing a table for them on the open street. Above it, because the peace was a general one and intended to be of profit and delight not only to the higher, but also to the lower estates, there was placed in a window of the dining hall ... a brass lion holding an olive branch in one paw and a broken sword in the other; for six hours, his jaws spouted red and white wine for the common folk of town and country. It was comical to see how the masses pressed in on it .... Two barrels were placed there to catch the wine, from which all could draw. The greed of all, however, did not permit them to draw one after the other .... They overturned the barrels and stood upon them, holding hats, pitchers, pots, and whatsoever they could quickly lay hands on, on rods, pitchforks, and the like, both high and low. One man pulled off his boots and used them to receive the wine .... The vessels of many were knocked over from envy before they had even brought them to their mouths, so that most of it spilled onto the ground and flowed away. A number ran home and let their children drink from it, so that they could tell of it in their old age .... Others drank so much of the sweet liquid that they had to relinquish it again on the very spot.... The most prudent watched the follies of others rather than partaking themselves. [28]
A few engravings provide quite a vivid picture of this scene, in which the above-mentioned "most prudent" appear as well: in the foreground as spectators and in the background at every window of the town hall, ballroom, and one of the neighboring buildings. [29]
Birken, however, does not confine himself to simple narrative: "Meanwhile there were all manner of pleasant conversations and interpretations of it. One said that the blood the grievous war had so long ... sucked out and drunk had now begun to flow once more from its dead jaws, transformed into wine. Others called it the wine of joy after mourning, which the sun of peace had distilled from the rain of tears. It seemed to some that they saw the picture of prosperity before them, from whose two breasts flowed the oil of peace in order therewith to suckle and nourish the newborn years of rest. Many for their part interpreted the red wine as hearts full of new-kindled love, but the white as the new blossom of old ... fidelity. Spirits full of heavenly thoughts considered the blood-red transgressions [of the Germans] which had previously induced Heaven to take up the rod of war; and the pure white resolution of repentance through which He, propitiated, ceased scourging the land and opened the fountain of His grace to pour out new prosperity on us." [30]
Such interpretations reveal allegorizing or even emblematizing patterns of thought, which likewise invested many elements of the celebration itself with meaning. Because it was so obvious to contemporaries, the accounts do not even mention the heraldic animal crouched in the window of the Nuremberg town hall, appearing before the eyes of both the invited guests and the beneficiaries outside as a symbol of the giver of peace, the true mediator of all anticipated future blessings: the crown of Sweden.
Everything was directed toward the demonstration and perception of such symbolic references; all the reports, for example, mention the allegorical-emblematic inventions and mottos displayed with the individual courses of the festival banquet. The more sensitive of the guests may have fancied such meditations, others may only have endured them; in any case, the presentation of the "Schau-Trachten" extended the length of the meal considerably. Sigmund von Birken states:
Since now all the outward senses had their delight at this joyful banquet, the inward ones and the soul were also to have a part in such pleasure. To that end, two ornamental dishes were served at the beginning, in whose invention the noble Strefon [Harsdörffer] displayed the admirable artfulness of his spirit to all who saw. The first was a triumphal arch dedicated to Concord, who stood atop it holding a paper in her hand on which was recorded a number of zeroes ... with this inscription on the other side:
UNUMQUE. NECESSE. EST.
One thing is needed in this time
Peace and concord. [31]
All the elements of the composition were supplied with similar mottos; the descriptions quote all of them. Their common theme: the blessings of concord and the peace resulting from it.
Harsdörffer's second invention likewise celebrated and invoked the theme of unity regained at last:
The other ornamental dish was a mountain with six sides, divided into three parts, each of which signified one of the three united crowns. Above stood three nymphs clad in heralds' colors according to the significance of each part; together they held an olive branch entwined threefold, with the inscription:
PAX. UNA. CORONIS. INNUMERIS. POTIOR.
This lovely crown of peace adorns the highest throne of honor. [32]
The east part of the mountain represented the empire and bore an eagle in its nest above a landscape of fruit, in which a hen brooded under vine and fig tree. The north part, a snowy, craggy landscape representing Sweden, showed a lion encamped on shield and sword, as well as "the jawbone of Samson, valiant hero of God", which of course was first a weapon and then disclosed the lifesaving spring water. Finally, France appeared as a flowery landscape with a cock standing vigilant on a helmet and an olive branch grafted into an old trunk. The two motifs characterizing each part of the mountain were transformed into emblems through mottos of the sort quoted above. Finally, a variation on a motif from Virgil [33] explained the meaning of the whole:
Furthermore there blew from this mountain three winds, the east, the south, and the north wind, likewise looking out from the three crowns in their established order with the inscription:
IN. PACEM. CONSPIRANT. UNDIQUE. VENTI.
Now the winds, swift as an arrow, are at peace in the world. [34]
Both ornamental dishes depict the concord already symbolically celebrated in the feast. In addition, the first uses image and motto to contrast the conditions of war and peace, whose proper order had once again been established, if only provisionally, by the interim treaty. The second obligates the three monarchies - formerly the most important opponents in war and now partners in peace - to their new status, not least of all through the Biblical origin of the majority of the motifs. The inclusion of the jawbone of Samson derives both from Harsdörffer's desire to honor the host - Gustav Adolf was repeatedly described as a hero of God and compared with Samson - and the double meaning of the motif itself.
The proceedings as a whole resembled an emblematic Gesamtkunstwerk, as is likewise reflected in Birken's narrative. To quote a characteristic detail: "In addition, something remarkable occurred when a number of pastries were served with living game and birds enclosed inside them. When the lids were lifted, a dove flying out of one of the dishes immediately alighted upon the image of Concord above the first ornamental dish. All considered it a good sign; for in former times as well, when righteous Heaven was angered at mankind and sent a flood to cover the whole earth, a dove with an olive branch, returning to the eight persons left in the Ark, brought tidings of peace to them." [35]
Even if the comparison of this wonderfully appropriate chance event to the famous passage in Genesis 8:11 represents the interpretive addition of the narrator, it nonetheless accords perfectly with the spectrum of meaning to which everything planned made reference.
Even the somewhat burlesque conclusion of the feast took on symbolic significance. The commanders in attendance disguised themselves as simple soldiers - Carl Gustav and Piccolomini as captains, Wrangel as a corporal, the Elector Palatine Carl Ludwig as foreman, etc., and marched "in good order" from the town hall to the castle, where they fired the cannons. Then, "when they had played the soldier long enough", they were "discharged in jest and released from their duties" by the imperial colonel Ranft. Though only in play, the leaders of the negotiations and their military experts thus unanimously anticipated the happy ending prefigured by the interim treaty: the dissolution of the still-present potential for conflict and a new European harmony which, as they knew all too well, was so difficult to achieve.
Birken sums it up as follows: "nothing more could have been devised to delight these most honored guests, and there was no kind of pleasure that was not enjoyed by all". The pleasures of knowledge and affirmation are implicated in this statement as well. The more thoughtful among the guests may well have grasped the significance of Harsdörffer's arrangement, since they recognized their place as representatives within a metaphysical context of meaning to which everything, including the festival itself, made reference and to which they were obligated.
Apparently, however, this "Banquet of Peace" still did not satisfy the Swedes' demand for representation - nor, most likely, their desire to use celebration to undermine the provisional character of the hard-won agreement and thus prejudice the future course of events. And so two days later, on September 27/October 7, the celebration continued with "a splendid firework set off outside the city". It would not be the only one of its kind. The capabilities of army fireworks in an epoch fascinated by pyrotechnic representation is described extensively in the various accounts. [36]
The harmony that the celebration was intended to effect was apparently achieved: "As a result, familiarity increased on all sides to such an extent that the one was always entertaining the other, and they quarreled over who could show the other greater honor and enjoyment." [37] Accordingly, the Theatrum Europaeum reports that immediately thereafter, on October 4/14 and 5/15, Field Marshall Wrangel prepared "a delectable feast, firework, and ring-race"; among the guests were the Count Palatine Carl Gustav, Piccolomini, the ambassadors of the imperial estates, and officers from both sides, as well as prominent local citizens. Once again we know the guest list and the seating arrangement, as well as the (not inconsiderable) cost: 6,000 talers for the catering alone. And once again, the citizens of Nuremberg were deprived of their night's rest: "Eighteen cannons without mortars played the whole night long, accompanying the toasts that were drunk." [38]
Still, the negotiations progressed only with difficulty, particularly in regard to the evacuation of the Spanish-occupied fortress of Frankenthal in the Palatinate. At times the entire treaty was in danger. Winter quarters were demonstratively ordered for troops that should have been discharged long ago. On November 8/18, the Swedes presented their proposal for the final treaty. But apart from the transfer of a few problems to the jurisdiction of the next Imperial Diet, no results had been attained by the end of the year. [39] Accordingly, social intercourse grew all the more lively during the season around Christmas and New Year's. [40]
Under constant expectation of couriers from Vienna and Madrid and with some changes in the negotiating staff - in January 1650, Aulic Councillor Lindenspür was replaced by Johann von Crane as primary delegate next to Isaac Volmar - negotiations slowly proceeded, and by the end of March, the terms of the final treaty had been agreed upon excepting formal differences. Only the difficult matter of Frankenthal remained undecided [41], and even the departure of Field Marshall Wrangel, who had to concern himself with his Pomeranian governor-generalship, brought no new resolution; Wrangel's "Valedictions=Banquet" on March 5/15 included the obligatory fireworks, though bad weather required their postponement until March 12/22. Further progress was made only in mid-May, when the Count Palatine threatened to break off negotiations and depart with the entire Swedish delegation if an agreement was not reached within two weeks. To be sure, the proposal presented by the imperial party on June 3/13 was rejected; nonetheless, the ultimatum was withdrawn. [42]
Immediately thereafter, on June 5/15, and certainly in response to the improvement in relations, the Swedish side gave a much-described garden festival [43], a "Verträulichkeitsmahl" ("Friendship Banquet") outside the city. [44] The fireworks, particularly elaborate this time, once again had to be postponed a day on account of bad weather; they are illustrated in a number of engravings which in turn are based on a drawing. [45] At the beginning of the festivities, not everything went according to plan. There was a mock tournament, "... in which six pairs of bucket-knights jousted with dull lances. For cuirasses they wore clothes stuffed with hay, and thus armed from head to toe they sat atop their horses like Aesop or Bacchus. Instead of helmets, they wore painted buckets or tubs, and tumbled hilariously with every ride.... It would have been a delight to see if the clouds had not opened their spouts from ill-will and suddenly poured down rain on the spectators in bucketfuls, so that they were given a bath against their will." [46]
The subsequent banquet and ball took place in an apparently rainproof festival pavilion covered with foliage. The fireworks featured the illumination of a statue of Carl Gustav in armor and the initials of Queen Christina, as well as a richly, though only pyrotechnically laden table of confections and a fire-breathing dragon who, conducted on a leash, met his doom in the form of Hercules with a fiery club: a demonstration of the overcoming of war and the return of prosperity, with the Swedish party taking credit for both.
Immediately thereafter, on June 9/19, Sweden and the imperial delegation signed the agreement concerning Frankenthal and upheld it against the protest of the imperial estates and the intervention of the French delegate. [47] At last, on June 16/26, 1650, the Sunday after Trinitatis, the final treaty was collated in the castle by the representatives of all three parties - we have engraved depictions of the scene [48], and know the names of all the participants - and signed by them as well as by Count Palatine Carl Gustav and Piccolomini. Once again there were celebrations in town hall and castle; heralds solemnly proclaimed the news in the city. The thunder of cannons filled the air; the inhabitants of Nuremberg probably heard more shots during the peace congress than throughout the entire course of the war. [49] But the treaty was finalized only with the signing of the agreement with the French on June 22/July 2. The following Sunday, June 23/July 3, a general feast of thanksgiving was held in Nuremberg and the surrounding country. An open letter of confirmation from the emperor on June 27/July 7, 1650, definitively marked the conclusion of the negotiations. [50]
Finally, on July 4/14, a peace celebration took place that surpassed all others up to that point. It was staged as a multimedia event, a Baroque Gesamtkunstwerk, in whose performance the celebrators themselves participated. The completeness and coherence of the composition evokes admiration even today. This time, the feast was given by the imperial side. Piccolomini himself is supposed to have chosen the location, the artillery range behind St. Johannis outside the city to the west; once again, fireworks were planned. [51] A number of contemporaneous publications provide an exact sketch of the location with illustrations and descriptions of all the arrangements and accommodations, including measurements. [52] In addition, we possess such exact information concerning all the particulars of the course of festivities that a full reconstruction would be possible. Once again we know all the guests and the seating arrangement at the banquet. In view of the complexity of the entire composition, the preparation period of three weeks seems amazingly short. A Nuremberg alderman was placed at the service of the imperial organizers. [53]
On the narrow sides of the elongated festival field, two wooden buildings were erected. The first was a three-part barracks with a higher, octagonal central building crowned by a dome and two lower, elongated rectangular wings; the whole complex formed a hemicycle opening toward the other end of the field. "Each barrack had a door or gate with a portal above it. The one to the main barrack ... was 15 feet wide, with Justice and Peace kissing above." [54] Such details constituted a part of a symbolic program that dominated all the accoutrements as well as the course of the festival itself. To mention only a few other elements of the decorative program: above the main portal stood the standards of the empire, Sweden, and France, adorned with coats of arms and "embraced by a threefold olive wreath". [55] Above the portals of the two wings, "a man with sundry farming implements and another shattering weapons stood across from one another", along with "two virgins, one holding a book, the other a rein in her hand". The facades of the two side buildings were decorated with busts of the Roman emperors and the coats of arms and standards of the imperial cities; the eight columns of the main building bore putti with the standards and coats of arms of the eight electors. Atop the dome stood a two-headed eagle with the imperial crown on the orb of the earth, around the latter the standards of the remaining princes of the empire. Inside the barracks were mounted the 16 coats of arms of the imperial patrimonial lands, all with corresponding devices. [56] The program of the arrangement is clear: concord between monarchies that had heretofore been enemies and between the many members of the empire, the incorporation of that empire into a venerable tradition of world history, the newly secured reign of peace and law, and the universal validity of that law under the protectorship and power of the empire.
At the other end of the field, the imperial artillery specialists had erected a "Brand=Castell oder Schloß" ("Citadel or Castle of Fire"). As one of the numerous descriptions relates and the illustrations confirm, it had four corner towers and a quadratic central structure, likewise crowned with a dome; the outer walls were painted to imitate ashlar masonry. [57] Both as a whole and in all its details, the building, mounted inside and out with a complicated scheme of fireworks, was integrated into the larger allegorical program as "... the dwelling of Discordia, who appeared ... above the portal in the form of a haggard, shriveled old woman holding a bellows in her right hand and a stove in her left, with a tangle of snakes flapping about her head in place of hair. Beneath the gate stood the god of war in such a furious posture that it seemed as if he were in the act of running forth, sent out anew ... to subvert peace, which he already seemed to threaten with the bloodthirsty sword in his right hand and the shield in his left." [58]
Between the two buildings stood a column on a rectangular pedestal; atop it stood an image of peace, who, crowned with a garland of fruit, bore a palm branch in her left hand and a crown of laurel in her right. The pedestal evinced a four-part symbolism with representations of the four seasons and the labors and means of livelihood associated with each. [59] Thus the center of the complex was marked by a symbolic concentration of the program already revealed in the accoutrements and ornamentation of the buildings: the celebration of the state of peace, the victory over discord, and the return of a divinely-ordained, natural way of life. It was no accident that the allegory culminated in a representation of the labors necessary for the procuring of bread and wine, a means of nourishment symbolic in their own right.
This time, the allegorical composition of the festival arrangement was the work of Sigmund von Birken, who "... set about delighting the honored guests not only by causing the portals, ornamental dishes, and shields to speak, as it were, with symbols and inscriptions, but also with a number of poetic acts at the joyful banquet." [60] Indeed, it was his drama that brought together all the elements of the festival arrangement into the unity of a Gesamtkunstwerk.
This time the weather was glorious. Accompanied by a mounted escort of fifty young Nuremberg patricians, the host and the other members of the imperial delegation arrived at the festival place in the afternoon. [61] It must have been a triumphal procession: the streets leading to the gates of the city were "... hung gloriously with festoons of a thousand different flowers with all kinds of pictures in their midst, and the houses adorned with banners, trees, and leaf huts; likewise the paths outside the city ... were most festively lined with sellers of trinkets and all kinds of victuals, as if at a fair." [62] When the other guests had arrived - Count Palatine Carl Gustav, Wrangel, and many others, 123 in all [63] - and had seen their fill of the premises, they took their places in one of the three barracks, seated according to subtle differentiations of rank. According to the engraved depictions, many times this number of persons stood outside the barricades watching. For each of the five courses of the festival banquet, "... many different ornamental dishes were served, all decorated with small red and white taffeta flags ... each of which was inscribed with an emblem or symbol suitable to the ornamental dish." [64] The inventor of this exhausting program, Sigmund von Birken, names and describes all the ornamental dishes with all their mottos. [65] The appropriateness of such details, as well, to the overall theme of the festival composition was unmistakable, as was the desire to surpass Harsdörffer and the Swedes.
Once again, many toasts were drunk: to the new unity, the emperor, the queen, the king, the other princes, the imperial colleges, and on down to the brave soldiers of the recently-ended war. The plundered city-dwellers and ravaged peasants, on the other hand, seem not to have been remembered. Each toast was accompanied by a mighty burst of martial music, while a small cannon near the festival hall gave the cue to the two batteries around the citadel and on the townward bank of the Pegnitz. [66]
The centerpiece and climax of the evening was the play, presented as a surprise after the meal. A tent painted to look like a forest slid from the outside to the area in front of the middle section of the festival building. There it opened, "... and there appeared behind it ... a number of persons standing with unmoved eyes and bodies as if they were pictures; and these images were changed with different postures or positions, once or four times before each act, through the opening and closing of the curtain." [67] Tableaux vivants were already popular at that time; they probably offered the spectators mythological configurations for allegorical interpretation. The three acts Sigmund von Birken had written for the occasion were immediately published under the title "Teutscher KriegsAb= und FriedensEinzug" and illegally reprinted at least three times already in 1650. [68] Unlike Birken's other plays, they represent not a single continuous dramatic action, but rather three independent allegorical reflections on the theme of war and peace, a structure which corresponded to the performance situation. For after the first act, whose last speaker, the personification of Peace, expressly calls for such action, the text of the drama states: "Thereupon all the musicians begin to play again, and after the music has ended, the trumpeters give a blast and a rousing toast is fired and drunk." [69] A similar statement is found after the second act. [70] The tableaux vivants inserted between the acts would likewise have required considerable time: the performance was a long one. Under the direction of the author, the three acts were performed by nine young Nuremberg patricians, whose names, roles, and costumes we know. [71] The play was carefully integrated into the overall course of the festival. From the very beginning, there was a strong tendency to incorporate the spectators, i.e. the representatives of the treaty powers seated in the festival building, the "Tempel der Eintracht und des Friedens" ("Temple of Concord and Peace").
The first act featured personified allegories. The first to appear was Discordia, already familiar to the viewers from their inspection of the festival grounds, and she began to speak. Returning to Germany after a stopover in England - everyone knew what had transpired there the previous year - she finds everything changed against her interests, curses Heaven, summons the Furies from Hades, and once again sets about casting the mythical apple of discord, inscribed with the word "Potiori," into the midst of those only just unified by peace. Rebellion against God, dealings with Hell - Discordia is associated with hubris and sin and stands in aggressive opposition to the world of peace represented by those addressed. In the play, too, her plans are foiled, for - in an allusion to the difficulty of the negotiations to the very end - Concordia, Pax, and Justitia appear in the nick of time, from whom Discordia hides herself. Concordia first addresses words of praise to the high-ranking spectators:
Ach sihe / wie siht es so löblich / so lieblich und fein /
wann Brüder wie Brüder einträchtig beysammen so seyn!
["Behold, how praiseworthy, lovely, and fine, when brother dwells with brother in unity and harmony!"] [72]
This too, of course, was an allusion to the prehistory of the embattled treaty, constantly threatened with failure, and therewith constituted a direct reaction to current events and an appeal binding on those whom it concerned, despite, or indeed precisely because of its abstract allegorical figuration. And so it continues through the entire act. Duly discovered, Discordia is denounced as the cause of all the catastrophes from the Trojan War to the just-ended German one; her recent overthrow is linked to local tradition:
Vmrennten doch die Sonnenpferde /
fast fünfmal sechzigmal die Erde
und die gestirnten Himmelshäuser /
seit Carl der Vierdte / Teutscher Käiser/
in dieser Stadt / an dieser Stelle
dich aus dem Reich gebannt zur Hölle.
["Nearly five-fold sixty times have the steeds of the sun run their circuit of the earth and the starry house of heaven since, in this very city, in this very place, Charles the Fourth, German Emperor, banished you from the empire to Hell."]
The Golden Bull of 1356 is thus invoked as the codification of the divine order against which the most recent manifestation of discord is also directed, though conquered again and again. Everything marks the new treaty as an event of sacred-historical significance; the constant addressing and inclusion of the representatives of power seated in the audience obligates them to hold to their newfound unity. The same is true of the rest of the act. Concordia challenges the spectators to choose between herself and her conquered opponent -
Sagt nun / was wolt ihr thun? Jch stell euch Fluch und Segen /
Mich und diß Vnweig für / Wolt ihr die Eintracht hegen?
["Now say, what will you do? I place before you curses and blessing, me and this termagant; will you cherish concord?"] -
and interprets the audience's reaction in her own favor:
Sie schweigen! wol! wer schweigt/ der saget Ja darzu.
[You are silent! Happy he who is silent, for he answers yes."]
Concordia uses symbols well-known to her listeners to demonstrate the necessity of supporting her cause: the concord of the bees, the peaceableness even of wolves amongst themselves, the strings of the lute. The praiseworthiness of concord and the culpability of its opposite is forcefully impressed upon those assembled. Pax glorifies the new state of peace using motifs of the Golden Age and Paradise. Justitia's speech includes a general exhortation to so live in the future that God will no longer be forced to punish, as well as a special admonition to those present to justly perform their duties as rulers and judges. There follows a justifying praise of arms, certainly intended as more than just an homage to the predominantly military festival guests. The horrors of war notwithstanding, the consciousness of the age still affirmed the tendency of human nature to sin and fall away from God and therefore the need for constant readiness in the protection, even by force, of the divine order represented by peace:
Durch Eisen muß oft werden ausgegraben
der Zeiten Gold. Kämpf / wilst du Frieden haben.
["The gold of the ages must often be dug out with iron. Fight if you want peace."]
War has its place in the world as a result of sin, but also, in the hand of rulers conscious of their duty, as a means for the restoration of the divinely-willed order; it exists because of sin. Birken took advantage of the opportunity to publicly remind his audience of their responsibility, an audience made up of the representatives of parties that had formerly been opposed in war. Thereby he seems to have accepted the fact that such a reminder would inevitably confirm his listeners in their tendency to rationalize political interests in both war and peace as activity in the service of a divinely-established order. In any case, at the end of the act, judgment is demonstratively passed on Discordia: she is condemned to return home once more and is dragged from the stage tent into the citadel opposite by devils who - in a demonstration of the partial functionality of the opposing principle - serve as executors of justice. From this point on - as indeed its decoration had already shown - the citadel represented Hell, just as the festival hall stood for the world of peace as a foretaste of beatitude. The final appeal to the festival company to show its celebratory delight in the action dramatically represented - a call to which they responded with enthusiasm - completed the complex of signification established by the play.
The second act likewise used allegorical figuration to represent the transition from dissension and disorder to the divinely-willed order announced in the first act, the result of the newly-established peace treaty. This time bucolic motifs were used, as in the images at the foot of the column and other elements of the exterior design. The act presents the encounter between a soldier and a shepherd who, like the figures in the first act, return home after a short absence to find everything changed - to the disadvantage of the former and the advantage of the latter. The soldier - later the successor of the miles gloriosus - first testifies to his loss of orientation in macaronic speech:
... Jst das auch raisonable,
daß die profession der Waffen favorable
nicht länger heissen soll ...?
["Is it reasonable that the profession of arms should no longer be viewed with favor?"]
But the discussion with his compatriot shows him otherwise: his bragging is a facade. He masters only the art of war and knows that he now stands before the void. The shepherd reacts by praising the peaceful rural life and offers to share his pasture with the irritated solder. The latter immediately abandons everything warlike, including the macaronic style of speech, which itself constitutes a symbol of man's departure from the divinely-willed order: ever since the confusion of tongues at Babel, likewise the result of sinful hubris, each people has possessed its own language. Once again, the play reflects current reality: the disbanding of the armies was one of the delicate themes of the congress, and the social and economic integration of the discharged soldiers, who were prepared for nothing so little as peace, was a tremendous problem. [73] In the interaction of representatives of the different classes, who for decades had inflicted atrocities on each another, the act programmatically represents both the problem and the solution: the willingness to be reconciled, increased solidarity, and the sharing of that which remains. Today we no longer directly perceive the illustrative power and appeal for order inherent in such allegorical systems. The interpretive reconstruction, however, reveals an understanding of reality in which human life is situated between creation and judgment, Fall and salvation, between the peace willed by God and the war he sends. The action of the play once again serves to obligate its hearers - the current bearers of responsibility - to action in accord with this understanding of reality.
The performance was timed in such a way that the third act began after dusk [74]; its conclusion, in turn, established the play as the center of the entire well-composed festival arrangement. Here the dominant character was the mythological figure of Mars, the personified allegory of war. His opening speech represents a parallel contrast to that of Discordia; addressing God, he formulates his conception of himself:
dir wird noch seyn unvergessen/ wie der grosse Sternenraht
mich vor drey und dreissig Jahren/ in diß Reich gesendet hat;
...
Seither/ sage/ hab ich nicht dapfer deinen Schluß erfüllet
und nach deinem Zorngeheiß meiner Waffen Durst gestillet?
["... you will not have forgotten how the great council of the stars sent me into this empire three and thirty years ago; ... since then have I not bravely executed your will and, according to the command of your anger, quenched my weapons' thirst?"] [75]
Thus Mars speaks, not as an insurgent or rebel like Discordia, but as a faithful servant:
Vater / dir steht das Befehlen / und mir das Gehorchen zu.
Gönnest du / gönn ich auch gerne Teutschland diese Friedensruh.
["Father, it is yours to command and mine to obey. If you will, so will I also, that Germany enjoy this peaceful rest."]
His address to the Germans and the high-ranking spectators continues in a similar vein:
Fordert mich / wanns euch gefällt / ich will ungesäumt erscheinen
und euch leisten Götterhülf. Jch bleib euer / jhr die Meinen.
["Summon me when you will, I will appear forthwith, and render you divine aid. I remain yours, and you mine."]
Mars is dependent indirectly on man, and directly on God, as the rod of warning and punishment and the instrument for the restoration and protection of the created order of peace. Unlike Discordia, he has nothing to do with Hell: "All present were well pleased with this courteous farewell, and many of them no longer considered this god so dire; .... All his gestures were heroic, and from his eyes shone nothing but valor." [76]
The figure of Vulcan, the allegory of the blacksmith's art, is likewise represented as dependent, belonging alternately to either war or peace. His appearance, as well as that of Venus and Cupid, serves first of all to supply the play with a comic conclusion, since the mythological love triangle offered sufficient excuse to suggestively transform war into the battle of love, the only conflict appropriate for the world of peace. In addition, the fact that the leaders of both delegations were unmarried made possible the following speech and symbolic action of Cupid as well as its dramaturgical exploitation:
There I see two / like gods on the earth / they will be the first to be of use to me....
(Therewith Mars and Venus turn and exit slowly. Cupid follows, after loosing his bow a number of times among the honored guests. Lastly, after renewed drinking of toasts, firing of shots, and music, comes Vulcan, the god of fire and blacksmith of the gods, clad as a smith, holding in his hand a linstock such as those used by gunners....) [77]
Such an interlude occurred only in the third act. Naturally it accentuated the jesting call to the two main personages to set a good example for the world of peace, and offered the audience an opportunity to enjoy the suggestive allusion. Above all, however, it served as a retard in preparation for the final climax of the action. For last of all, after a droll, comedic self-representation, Vulcan limped from the stage set to the Count Palatine Carl Gustav and addressed him directly as the guest of honor, urging him to set the crowning fireworks in motion "... with this linstock (which he therewith presented to him)." [78] To be sure, a number of tableaux vivants were yet to follow, which Vulcan explained, addressing the guests directly; all of them indicated the usefulness of the deities presented in the first and third acts for the world of peace. Then, however, the theatrical "forest tent" was removed, the same way it had come.
Therewith the spectators were once again confronted with "... the citadel or fireworks castle ... hung and embellished outside with more than a thousand burning lights, causing it to resemble in the darkness of the night a firmament or fiery heaven adorned with many thousands of gold-gleaming stars, marvelously delighting the eyes of the onlookers." [79]
The festival society moved to the front of the festival building, and just as the stage directions had specified, Count Palatine Carl Gustav ignited a rocket shaped like Cupid, which shot up on a guide rope to the figure of Peace on the centrally placed column, setting a splendid illumination in motion all around the column. At the high point of this spectacle, a second rocket, likewise on a guide rope, shot from the victory wreath of Peace into the citadel and there initiated a sequence of fireworks composed after the pattern of attack and defense, likewise incorporating the surrounding area. According to one of the descriptions, there was "a pleasant enjoyment for the eyes and ears, for not only ... did it appear as if many hundreds of men were firing inside and outside the citadel, but also the flames and the smoke of the blazing central tower reached to the sky". Meanwhile, in the citadel itself, Discordia was forced to acknowledge defeat: "lying in dust and ashes, to show her banishment and ruin to the entire world: since by contrast Peace, though standing on a column amid so many thousands of flames flying to and fro, remained, to the astonishment of many, completely unscathed ... and thus asserted her superiority, praise, and honor before the eyes of all the world".
The spatial arrangement, the decoration of the festival building inside and out, the organization of the banquet, the manner and conclusion of the play, the fireworks, the interweaving of festival and representation, the inclusion of the spectators - all of this together constituted a Gesamtkunstwerk, presumably composed by Sigmund von Birken down to the smallest details and reaching its well-staged climax in the fireworks. [80] It far surpassed anything that had been seen up to that point. The noise was probably considerable: "Meanwhile, the cannon shots and rockets continued the whole night through until morning, and even after the end of the fireworks a lovely dance was held, and so this most honorable and splendid banquet of joy and peace was concluded with every imaginable delight." [81] In the early morning, Piccolomini was escorted home in the same manner he had come. [82]
There were a few postludes. On the following Sunday, July 7/17, Piccolomini's steward gave a banquet in the festival building, which was to be torn down the following day, for the young patricians who had escorted the prince and waited on him at the feast, together with their ladies. There was a country dance and once again fireworks, this time smaller. [83] The weather, which before had been as favorable as could be desired, now gave cause for reflection: "On this day the image of Peace was thrown down to the earth and damaged by a sudden windstorm, which gave many cause for thought." [84]
The youth, too, demanded their share: Thereafter there assembled more than a thousand of the common town boys, each mounted on a stick horse, and all together rode before the lodging of Their Princely Graces and unanimously requested a souvenir of the peace. Upon which Their Princely Graces called them together again the next Sunday, and in the meantime caused to be minted a four-sided silver coin, on the one side of which stood the words VIVAT FERDINANDUS III. ROM: IMP. VIVAT. under the imperial eagle, and on the other the words FRIEDEN-GEDACHTNUS IN NURNBERG around a stick horse with the year 1650. [85]
Immediately following the concluding celebration, the assembly began to break up. On July 13/23, Count Palatine Carl Gustav and Field Marshall Wrangel bid farewell, as did the others in the days following; the Theatrum Europaeum gives quite exact information. [86] Piccolomini took his time; not until on August 28/September 7 did he leave the city, sent off and escorted by the council with great pomp and circumstance [87], having given the city of Nuremberg the greatest and most important celebration it had ever seen.
FOOTNOTES
For printing technicallities it is unfortunately not possible to print the German quotes in their qirginal form. We would therefore like to refer our readers to the German edition of this catalogue and to the literature given in the notes.
1. On the Nuremberg negotiations, cf. Oschmann 1991.
2. Cf. Paas 1995.
3. The extent to which Nuremberg had nonetheless suffered, especially during the double siege of 1632 and its aftermath, is revealed for example in the autobiography of Sigmund von Birken; in Jöns/Laufhütte 1988, 17, 66.
4. The quantity of surviving Nuremberg broadsheets from the period of the Thirty Years' War and the years afterward provides clear evidence; cf. Harms 1980 ff., esp. II and IV.
5. Cf. Garber 1974; Garber 1976.
6. Cf. Jöns 1972; Blaufuß 1991.
7. Cf. Goldmann 1971; Wietfeldt 1975; Peil 1978; Dilherr/Harsdörffer 1994.
8. Cf. Böttcher 1984; Krebs 1995.
9. Cf. Conrad Wiedemann's afterword in his two Klaj editions (Klaj 1965 and Klaj 1968).
10. On Birken's return home to Nuremberg on account of the congress, cf. his autobiography (as in n. 3), 41-43, 91-93.
11. Schleder 1663.
12. Even contemporary observers noticed the cordial relations between the two main representatives; cf. Birken 1652, 33: "This equality of misfortune, in addition to their valiant spirits, established a close friendship between the two within a short time".
13. Schleder 1663, col. 723b-725b. The double dating here and in the following corresponds to Schleder's practice: the Protestants dated according to the old (Julian) calendar, the Catholics according to the new (Gregorian) one, which was in advance of the former by 10 days.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid., col. 750a.
16. Ibid., col. 911b-912a.
17. Ibid., col. 926a-b.
18. Ibid., col. 914a.
19. Ibid., col. 927a-936b.
20. A number of manuscript collections of poems by Sigmund von Birken, for example, contain works written for or to members of the various delegations. Many of them may have been commissioned and may also have appeared in print. The death of the empress likewise inspired Birken's muse; cf. Birken 1652, 38-55. The same was probably true for the other literati as well. We know of contemporaneous broadsheets with texts by Birken and Klaj.
21. Birken 1649.
22. Schleder 1663, col. 937a.
23. Ibid., col. 937a-938b.
24. Cf. Lebenslauf und Kunst-Werke Des WolEdlen und Gestrengen Herrn Joachim von Sandrart/ ... beschrieben und übergeben von Desselben Dienstergebnen Vettern und Discipeln (Nuremberg 1675), 19. This impressive representation shows how successful the painter was in taking advantage of the opportunities offered by the Nuremberg congress.
25. Sandrart's painting was the model for a great number of slightly varied engraved reproductions, as indicated in Harms 1980 ff., II, 562. Cf. also n. 29.
26. Schleder 1663, col. 938b-939b.
27. Ibid., col. 939a.
28. Birken 1652, 68f.; Klaj 1651, 41f.; Schleder 1663, col. 939a/b.
29. Two broadsheets, one with a poem by Sigmund von Birken, which he himself quotes in Birken 1652, 68, and the other with a poem by Johann Klaj, are mentioned in Harms 1980 ff., II, nos. 324 and 325, and IV, no. 253. Additional versions are indicated in II, 546 and 566.
30. Birken 1652, 69.
31. ibid., 58, illustration p. 57; cf. Klaj 1651, 63-67; Schleder 1663, col. 939b-940b.
32. Birken 1652, 61.
33. The allusion is to the mountain of the winds in the first book of the Aeneid.
34. Birken 1652, 62. The second ornamental dish is likewise described in Klaj 1651, 67-69 and in Schleder 1663, col. 940b-941a.
35. Birken 1652, 63; the following quotations are from ibid., 70, 63, 70.
36. Cf. also Fähler 1974.
37. Birken 1652, 70.
38. Schleder 1663, col. 949b-950a.
39. Cf. ibid., col. 941a ff., 948a ff., 954a, 1031a-b.
40. Cf. ibid., col. 1031a-b.
41. Cf. ibid., col. 1031a, 1033b-1036b.
42. Cf. ibid., col. 1037a, 1044b-1048a.
43. Ibid., col. 1048a; Klaj 1651, 83-88; Birken 1652, 90-92.
44. Birken 1652, 90.
45. Klaj 1651, before p. 83; Birken 1652, before p. 91; Schleder 1663, before p. 1049.
46. Birken 1652, 90f.
47. Schleder 1663, col. 1048a-1050a.
48. Both the collating and signing in the castle and the departure of the delegates from the town hall to attend this event are depicted in broadsheet engravings, both with poems by Sigmund von Birken; cf. Harms 1980 ff., II, no. 326, 327. The other versions of these images in books are indicated in ibid., 568 and 570.
49. An extensive representation of the event is found in Schleder 1663, col. 1050a-1053a; Klaj 1650, 15-29; Birken 1652, 93-96.
50. Cf. Schleder 1663, col. 1064a-1066b; Birken 1652, col. 101f. informs us that the entire city was illuminated and an amnesty proclaimed.
51. Cf. Schleder 1663, col. 1072a.
52. Birken 1650. One of the elements of this work is entitled: "Eigentliche Beschreibung/ auch Grund= und Perspektivischer Abriß des FRJED= und FREUDENMAHLS/ SCHAUSPJELS und FEUERWERKS ...". It contains a site plan with measurements as an oversize foldout and an engraving showing the entire complex during the night fireworks. Both representations likewise occur in Schleder 1663, after p. 1076 and 1080. The fireworks scene is also found in Klaj 1650, after p. 56, and in Birken 1652, after p. 116.
53. Cf. above all Schleder 1663, col. 1071b-1082a. The guest list and seating arrangement are found in ibid., col. 1078a-1081a. We even know the names of the invited guests who were unable to come, as well as the reasons for their absence.
54. Schleder 1663, col. 1072a. An illustration of this figuration appears as the frontispiece in Birken 1650, and again in Birken 1652, 116. It was also integrated into Sigmund von Birken's play (Birken 1650a) as an element of the dramatic action (12f.); cf. Birken 1652, 128.
55. Schleder 1663, col. 1072b; ibid. the following two quotations.
56. Ibid. Sigmund von Birken describes the entire symbolic program together with the devices he invented in a number of places: Birken 1650, 3-8; Birken 1652, 116-121.
57. Schleder 1663, col. 1073a, 1075b; Birken 1650, 9; Birken 1652, 129f.
58. Schleder 1663, col. 1075b.
59. Ibid., col. 1073a-b; Birken 1650, 9f.; Birken 1652, 130; a slightly stylized illustration appears on the frontispiece of Klaj 1650.
60. Schleder 1663, col. 1073b; cf. Birken 1652, 118. On the commission cf. also Birken's autobiography (Jöns/Laufhütte 1988), 45f., 95f., as well as Birken 1650, 10.
61. Schleder 1663, col. 1073b/1074a.
62. Ibid., col. 1077b; cf. Birken 1652, 124.
63. Birken 1650, 12; Schleder 1663, col. 1079a-1081a.
64. Schleder 1663, col. 1074b.
65. Birken 1650, 13-20; Birken 1652, 121-124.
66. Schleder 1663, col. 1074b-1075a. All the toasts and the degree of accompanying noise are recorded in detail in ibid., col. 1081a-1082a.
67. Schleder 1663, col. 1075a; cf. Birken 1652, 125.
68. Cf. Birken 1652, 139. Even the Nuremberg publication apparently did not contain the complete text, as is shown by the comparison with Birken's own description of the contents in Birken 1652, 125-138. After the second act, the author himself distributed a few hundred copies among the banquet guests: T, p. 139.
69. Birken 1650a, 20.
70. Ibid., 28.
71. The actors are named in Birken 1652, 125-137, Schleder 1663, col. 1075a, and Birken's autobiography (Jöns/Laufhütte 1988), 46. See ibid. for the mention of a second performance at the castle on August 1/11. The following is based on Laufhütte 1981, the only interpretation of Birken's drama that has been attempted up to this point.
72. Birken 1650a, 3; the following quotations are from ibid., 4, 9, 14, 20.
73. In the interlude to Johann Rist's play "Das Friedejauchtzende Teutschland," published in 1653 in Nuremberg, even the uprooted peasants fear rather than desire the end of the war. Cf. Rist 1967 ff., II, 205 ff.
74. Cf. Birken 1652, 133.
75. Birken 1650a, 29; the following quotations are from ibid., 30, 31.
76. Birken 1652, 135.
77. Birken 1650a, 36.
78. Birken 1652, 138. The text of the drama likewise contains a reference to this action: Birken 1650a, 40.
79. Birken 1652, 139; the following quotations are in ibid., 141, 141f.
80. To be sure, Birken was dissatisfied with the compensation received for his efforts: his autobiography (Jöns/Laufhütte 1988, 45) notes the receipt of 8 ducats from the imperial general auditor Heinrich Graß on May 7, 50 guilders from Piccolomini on May 18, and some income from the publisher. He received 100 talers from the sale of the "vestes Scenicae" (p. 46). The passage ends with a complaint about unkept promises.
81. Schleder 1663, col. 1077b, 1082a; cf. Birken 1652, 142.
82. Schleder 1663, col. 1074a.
83. Ibid., col. 1077b-1078a; Birken 1652, 144f.
84. Birken 1652, 145.
85. Schleder 1663, col. 1078a; cf. Birken 1652, 145f. The famous stick-horse medallions were not the only coins minted on the occasion of the Nuremberg congress; cf. Dethlefs 1989.
86. Schleder 1663, col. 1082a-1083b.
87. Ibid., col. 1083a.
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