Forschungsstelle "Westfälischer Friede": Dokumentation

DOCUMENTATION | Exhibitions: 1648 - War and Peace in Europe
Essay Volumes > Tome II: Art and culture

EBERHARD NEHLSEN
Song publishing during the Thirty Years' War

Hundreds of songs (lieder) were composed during the Thirty Years' War. There would seem to be an excellent set of sources for anyone wishing to study them, since the collections compiled by Weller, Opel/Cohn, Ditfurth and Wolkan [1] contain extensive material. If one takes the trouble to inspect further collections of historical and political songs, it is possible to discover many other songs of the Thirty Years' War. [2] This relatively accessible material has formed the basis for several earlier studies. [3] However, the corpus of songs with a reference to the Thirty Years' War is considerably greater than previous editions suggest. The "Baroque iceberg" to which Dünnhaupt referred [4] contains numerous completely unknown songs which still require academic analysis. Specialist research into the illustrated leaflet (Flugblatt), has brought a considerable number of songs to light in recent decades. [5]

However, the much larger complex of pamphlets (Flugschrift) is still largely uncharted terrain. [6] The following article should be regarded as a kind of interim report on the basis of material available to date. It focuses on two aspects which have commanded little attention in the past: on the one hand, the publishing media of the leaflet and the pamphlet; on the other hand, the specifically musical dimension of the songs.

Towards the end of the 15th century, book printing started to be used as the medium for disseminating songs. This triggered a major upheaval in song culture. Whereas songs had largely been handed down by oral tradition in the past, printing now enabled their rapid mass distribution. Leaflets and pamphlets [7] became the first mass media of popular music and shaped the song culture of the early modern era. The song repertoire consisted of traditional, well-known songs and new topical ones. The producers of the first song prints were motivated by two main ideas: "On the one hand, sacred and secular songs have always served to spread the messages or statements contained in the texts, i.e. they are the media of catechism and propaganda; for the printer, on the other hand, they represent a commodity and a commercial calculation". [8] In the early modern era, the dominant medium was undoubtedly the song pamphlet. [9] Both media share the characteristics of titles which state the content of the song or songs, sometimes in great detail, and intonations referring to popular songs so that the texts can also be sung. Such printed song texts rarely contain musical notation. Whilst the illustration plays a major role with the leaflet, pictures are much less important for the pamphlet. Illustrations often do not go at all with the printed song or they are replaced by decoration or are missing altogether - above all in the 17th century. The infrastructure of song publishing, i.e. production, distribution and reception of song prints, was - as far as one can tell from extant material - still intact in the early decades of the 17th century. The rapid decline in the number of song prints does not occur until after 1633, presumably as a result of the war.

What are "songs of the Thirty Years' War"? To my mind, they are basically songs of the period 1618-1649 which contain an explicit reference to the war or its immediate aftermath. This therefore includes: 1) songs about the actual military and political events of the war (campaigns, battles, sieges, conquests, meeting between princes, peace settlements etc.) [10], songs about the leading figures (satirical, prize and funeral songs e.g. about Cardinal Klesl, Maximilian of Bavaria, Frederick V, Tilly, Spinola, Mansfeld, Christian von Halberstadt, Christian IV of Denmark, Gustavus Aldolphus, Charles Duc de Lorraine), fundamental polemics such as anti-Jesuit songs; 2) songs about the direct consequences of war, such as inflation (coinage debaser songs), famine, plague, moral decline, avarice, fashion crazes (alamode songs), songs about actual or fictitious events (natural disasters, celestial phenomena, miracle signs, prophecies) which are connected with the war in the texts themselves. These songs in particular reveal recurring interpretations of events as divine punishment linked with a call for repentance which show how the people coped with the fear of war and its consequences. Not included are songs which also appeared in print during this period but whose text bears no direct relation to the war, for example old songs which were simply reissued, love songs etc. Also not incorporated in the body of songs are purely literary poems with no musical component. Only singable poems are counted. [11] The relevance of the musical dimension becomes clear if one considers that a deliberate choice of tune can reinforce or comment on the inherent message of the poem. I shall come back to this point later. However, virtually all previous editions of the songs of the Thirty Years' War contained not only songs in this sense but all kinds of poems which were patently not intended for musical reception. [12]

Since very few song prints contain tune notations the most important criterion for their singability is the existence of so-called intonations, usually to be found on the title page, but sometimes also in the song title. In the case of poems without intonations, the song character can often be derived from the song text itself, possibly because the contrafactum model is quoted in the introduction [13] or because the text makes explicit reference to "singing" [14] or "song". [15] In some other cases, a song can be presumed because the poems are structured in stanzas or in verse forms typical for songs of the period. [16]

From the sources currently available to me [17] I have compiled a list of 608 songs from the period 1618 to 1649 which make a direct or indirect reference to the Thirty Years' War. [18] This sample can only be of a temporary nature since many sources are probably still unknown. It is impossible to go into the songs in detail here. I should merely like to make a few observations which have emerged from my study of the songs and the sources. The following diagram shows the breakdown of songs according to the individual years:

Two things are immediately apparent: firstly, the years with very large numbers of songs, 1620-22, 1626 and 1631-33; secondly, the sharp decline in numbers after 1633. Even if the source material has not yet been fully examined, these phenomena probably reflect real trends. The concentration of publishing activity during the Bohemian-Palatine and the Swedish wars is a well-documented fact. As far as illustrated publishing is concerned, Michael Schilling has convincingly demonstrated that the involvement of the predominantly Lutheran southern German imperial towns, which were also printing centres, against the Calvinist "Winter king" was probably responsible for the flood of prints. [19] During the Swedish war, the sacking of Magdeburg, the victorious advance and death of Gustavus Adolphus prompted Protestant propaganda to publish on a mass scale. The six years 1620-22 and 1631-33 alone produced 303 songs, i.e. almost half the songs in this sample. The marked "burst" of songs in the year 1626 stands out as unique in the production of illustrated leaflets. This was due above all to two war events which were particularly echoed in songs: on the one hand, the war in Lower Saxony with the defeat of Christian IV of Denmark against Tilly and von Mansfeld against Wallenstein; on the other, the peasant rebellion in Upper Austria. [20]

The preferred media for song publication were leaflets and pamphlets. Our knowledge is based quite significantly on these two print forms. A relatively large number of songs (68) have also survived in manuscript form. But the favoured medium was definitely the pamphlet. Of the 530 printed song texts underlying the study sample, 411 are pamphlets and 114 leaflets. [21] This is a ratio of approx. 4:1. Since the leaflets from this period have been much more closely studied than the pamphlets, detailed research in libraries and archives would probably shift this ratio still further in favour of the pamphlets.

The number of different editions or reprints may provide a measure of a song's distribution. In the case of some songs, it is particularly striking how many editions were printed. For example, I know of six different pamphlet editions of the satirical song "Zeug Fahler zeug, balde wolln wirn Tylli treschen ["22]; there is evidence of seven different leaflet editions of the congratulatory song for the newly crowned Bohemian King Frederick and his Queen [23]; one alamode song even exists in 11 leaflet editions and one pamphlet edition. [24] However, multiple versions are the exception rather than the rule. In the sample studied, the ratio is as follows: 397 songs have been handed down in just one pamphlet, 55 in two or more pamphlets; 60 songs in just one leaflet, 9 in two or more leaflets; 11 songs both in pamphlets and in leaflets; 52 only in manuscript form; 13 in leaflets and manuscripts; 2 in pamphlets, leaflets and manuscripts.

Any attempt to study song prints according to the places where they were printed encounters fundamental difficulties. In view of the eminently political and polemical nature of numerous songs, it is hardly surprising that most song prints contain no imprint. Although this was a breach of official regulations, it was a widespread practice among printers keen to avoid difficulties. [25] The blatantly or covertly fictitious imprint was a further measure. An imprint such as "Gedruckt vber dem Balthischen Meer, hinder Dinnonien in Ingermanlandt ["26] is easily identifiable as fictitious. An imprint can also be detected as fake if it stands in contrast to the song text, for example the printing of an anti-Catholic song with the imprint "Gedruckt zu Rom. In Bapst Agnes gassen." [27] The origin of a song is presented as coming from the enemy camp in order to heighten the publicistic effect of the message. The Catholic side also used this tactic, as demonstrated by the "Calvinisher Vortanz". This song pamphlet was allegedly "Gedruckt/Zu Genff im Hollandt/ bey Niclasen Gumperle ["28], which only appears as a satirical deception on closer inspection if one considers the sharp anti-Calvinist content of the song and the curious claim to authorship, also to be taken as satirical: "Vincentz Rupffenbart/ Calvinischen Schulmaister zu Purla in Laußnitz" [29] It is more difficult with imprints which appear completely normal. Nothing seems unusual about the song pamphlet "Acht wahrhaffte vnd gründliche newe Zeitung/ Auß der Stadt Wien in Österreich" stating that is was "Gedruckt zu Wien". Only the content, a song praising Frederick V of the Palatinate, reveals the deception which may have been perpetrated by the printer as a disguise to evade the censor. [30] In further cases, other features point to a fictitious printing location. The song pamphlet "Ein Warhafftiges newes LIED. Auß dem Land Pünten. In der weiß wie der Wilhelm Thel." contains the imprint: "Getruckt in Böhmen in der Königlichen Statt Prag. Im jahr 1620." [31] Content, language and above all the intonation "Wilhelm Tell" (which to my knowledge was never used outside Switzerland) clearly indicate that the pamphlet was printed in Switzerland. [32] The wording "erstlich gedruckt zu ..." ("first printed in...") appears in the imprint of a considerable number of prints. In my opinion, this wording is to be regarded as reference to a reprint, and the actual current printing location is usually not stated. [33] In the following list of most frequent printing locations, the prints with the "erstlich" note are included among the locations named. 256 prints in the sample contain a statement of the printing location. The most common are: Leipzig (25), Prague (23), Augsburg (20), Frankfurt/Main (17), Nuremberg (14), Strasbourg (10). [34] The leading positions held by Prague and Leipzig are due to the fact that both towns - at different times - were centres of political and military events which led to increased publishing activity, including the song publications. This can be seen from the dates. For example, the heyday for song prints in Prague was the period 1618-1621 (16 prints), in Leipzig 1629-1633 (22 prints). The relatively high figures for Nuremberg and Augsburg are due partly to their traditional role as centres of song printing [35] and partly to their close involvement in the armed conflicts of 1632/33.

I mentioned above that few of the printed songs contained music notation. [36] As a rule, the songs bear an intonation with a reference to a well-known tune which enables the purchaser/reader to sing the text. Intonations are the connecting link between the oral and written genres and make these song prints into musical sources even without music notation. [37] In addition to the function of effectively transporting new texts, the intonation also performs a second important task. The deliberate choice of a tune with specific connotations evokes associations among the listeners. [38] For example, a song about the sacking of Magdeburg ("O Magdeburg du schöne Stadt/verbrunnen und zerstöret" [39] refers to the song "An Wasserflüssen Babylon" as the tune to be sung and thus immediately conveys a feeling of sadness through the music. Deciphering such relations is not always easy and presupposes extensive knowledge of the text and circumstances of the song providing the tune. There is still a great deal of scope for research into songs of the early modern era still. The various possibilities for contrafacting can be seen from the example of a few contrafacta [40] of the Wilhelmuslied. The song "William of Nassau", which was composed at the beginning of the Dutch rebellion against Spanish rule and propagated the leading role William of Orange played in this uprising, was already widely known throughout the German-speaking regions in the 1570s and remained popular there for over 100 years. [41] In the 16th and 17th centuries, the song served as a model for about 40 German-language contrafacta, above all for political songs. The Wilhelmuslied transported ideas, opinions and atmospherics which played an important role in the conflicts around the year 1600 and also during the Thirty Years' War. It was a song about a Protestant hero who had fought successfully against the seemingly almighty Hapsburg-Spanish forces. Consequently, the song bore connotations of being a "heroic song", "anti-Catholic" and "anti-Spanish". [42]

A song dating probably from 1621 was placed in the mouth of the exiled Frederick V and drew very close parallels between him and William of Orange who also had to flee into exile. The song was an almost exact imitation of the Wilhelmuslied as the following comparison of the first two verses shows:

All 15 verses of the model are imitated in this manner, only the most essential names and concepts are changed. It is as if Frederick assumed William's mantle in order to claim all the positive characteristics and associations linked with Orange. However, such constant borrowing [45] is relatively rare. More frequent is the occasional borrowing of certain phrases, as in the song placed in the mouth of Christian IV of Denmark (also King of Norway): The song describes the events of the Danish campaign of 1625 and was probably composed towards the end of that year, but certainly before the battle of Lutter near Barenberg (August 1626). The beginning of this contrafactum in particular is a copy of the Wilhelmuslied (initial borrowing): a Prince who introduces himself by name (in Latinised form) and with a description of his origins, proclaims his respect for other Princes and emphasises his fearlessness. Two borrowing aspects can be observed: like William of Orange, Christian fights against the Catholic camp, so the song uses the anti-Catholic connotations of the Wilhelmuslied. In this song too, it is a Prince, a hero, who is speaking about himself and justifying his own conduct. But the mocking tone used to describe the enemy, which pervades the entire song, is alien to the Wilhelmuslied.

After the Battle of Lutter, a song was composed also "Im Thon. Wilhelmus von Nassoue" which lets Tilly speak and can be seen as a direct counter-song to the Christianslied: Formulations are picked up from the Christianslied and turned against it. Here the intonation is not used to exploit the connotations of the Wilhelmuslied. The literary borrowings from the Christianslied and the assumption of the "enemy" tune serve rather to combat the enemy with his own weapons through the publishing media.

Around 1627 a song appeared which dealt with the Swedish-Polish war: As a comparison shows, the Christianslied was undoubtedly the model for this song. It is the same prevailing tone, the mocking disparagement of the enemy (here the Polish King). There is no intonation in the only surviving copy, but the tune was most certainly that of the Wilhelmuslied. The song to Gustavus Adolphus was apparently widespread and led in 1632 to a follow-up song: The war against the Poles is touched upon but also the new developments since 1630, when Gustavus Adolphus began campaigns on imperial soil. This time the Emperor is depicted as the enemy, again in a disparaging tone. In this song, a pattern of argumentation is used which played no role in its precursor from the year 1627, but which appears frequently in the years 1630-1632: "The cause of my wars / is alone God's word" (verse 5) and "I am prepared to protect / the Protestant teachings" (verse 8). Gustavus Adolphus is portrayed as the God-sent protector of Protestant doctrine. [50] One of the two surviving copies of this Gustavus Adolphus song contains no intonation, the other the intonation "There is a new order, created by the space of time". [51] It is difficult to offer an explanation. Did the song receive a different intonation, a new tune? Or did a second alternative tune emerge in addition to the old "William of Nassau"? With our present state of knowledge, I consider the second possibility most likely. This Gustavus Adolphus song is closely linked with the Wilhelmuslied through its precursor. Without knowing the connecting links one would know nothing about the relation to the Wilhelmuslied. [52] As in this case, more intensive research could surely ascertain the tunes of further songs for which no explicit intonation is stated.

The following is a list of the ten most frequent intonations given to the 608 songs in the sample [53]: Count Serin 31 (+3); Come to me says the Son of God 24 (+8); Why are you saddened, my heart 22; God help me to succeed 13 (+1); Wilhelmuslied 12 (+7); When my hour is come 11; When the Lord God does not abide by us 10 (+1); Salvation is come to us 7 (+1); Because Jesus dies on the cross 8; How brightly shines the morning star 7. The most frequently used intonation is the song of Count Serin which describes the death of Count Zriny fighting against the Turks in 1566. The text opens with: "How much I want to sing, so heavy is my sorrow". [54] It remained very popular for about 100 years and was often contrafacted, interestingly most often during the Thirty Years' War.

Why was this particular intonation chosen so frequently? Looking through the contrafacta, two things strike me as relevant. Firstly, the song of Count Serin is dominated by the underlying sense of mourning. A basic tenor of mourning is also present in many contrafacta of the song: mourning defeats, the atrocities of war, poverty and the difficult overall circumstances. Secondly, the song describes a hero who had fallen in battle against the Turks, the enemies of all Christians in the view of that time. Unlike the Wilhelmuslied, this song was not specifically denominational. We therefore find contrafacta with both Catholic and Protestant tendencies.

It is noticeable that eight out of the ten top songs are religious songs. This would seem logical since religious conflicts were essential elements of the Thirty Years' War. But a study of the entire catalogue of songs published in the 16th and 17th centuries shows that six of them are frequently encountered intonations, generally popular and with little if any specific denominational links, which were used for many different types of songs, above all newspaper songs. [55] The connection between news, religious interpretation and an appeal for repentance was typical for newspaper songs and, to that extent, the choice of sacred tunes reflects the character of these songs. [56] Their frequent occurrence during the Thirty Years' War does not mean a special preference for religious intonations during this period but is rather evidence of the continuity of song publication in the 16th and 17th centuries. Only the intonation "Salvation is come to us" displays a predominantly Protestant use which corresponds to its prominent role as a core Protestant song. The same can be said of the intonation "How brightly shines the morning star".




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FOOTNOTES

1. Weller 1855; Opel/Cohn 1862; Ditfurth 1882; Wolkan 1898.

2. Wolff 1830; Körner 1840; Soltau 1845 and 1856; Hassebrauk 1901; Hartmann 1907; Zinsli 1909; Steiff/ Mehring 1912.

3. The following deserve particular mention: Müller 1895, pp. 199-216 and 284-301; Becker 1904; Schroeder 1916.

4. Dünnhaupt 1980.

5. The following deserve particular mention: Bohatcová 1966; Alexander/Strauss 1977; Harms 1980 ff.; Paas 1985-94, II-IV.

6. Doubts have recently been expressed about whether many more prints existed than are known today, cf. Hartmann 1994, p. 401f. These doubts are based interestingly on the relatively favourable situation for the survival of leaflets and take no account of the quite different situation pertaining to pamphlets. I am currently preparing a bibliography of song pamphlets from the beginning to the year 1650. The material collected so far contains many song pamphlets with references to the Thirty Years' War.

7. The song leaflet (Liedflugblatt) is printed on one side and usually decorated with an illustration. The song pamphlet (Liedflugschrift) consists of several pages containing one or more songs. For further details on this distinction cf. Brednich 1974, I, pp. 17-19. Earlier literature speaks in more general terms of "loose leaves" (fliegende Blätter). It is important to distinguish between these two terms.

8. Brednich 1996, p. 1066

9. It is currently impossible to give a precise definition of the relationship since the bibliography on song pamphlets is totally inadequate. The recent comprehensive study of one song repertoire of the early modern era, the Meisterlieder, may serve as an example. In the printed bibliography of Sangsprüche and Meisterlieder which appeared a few years ago (Brunner/ Wachinger 1994), of the 794 prints where the medium could be established, 703 (89%) were song pamphlets, 24 (3%) song leaflets and 67 (8%) song books or other sources.

10. The songs deal not only with events in Germany but also in Graubünden (Grisons), the Netherlands, France, Poland and Hungary. Although little attention has been paid to these songs in previous collections, they also belong to the corpus of songs of the Thirty Years' War which was a European war too.

11. This does not mean that the songs had to be received in a sung form. Purely literary reproduction is always a possibility. Several song pamphlets therefore contain the wording that the lyrics are "to be read and sung".

12. Only Ditfurth 1882 specifically wanted to include "only poems of song form and nature" (p. III). Although one can also find non-singable poems in his collection, songs nevertheless account for 93.8% of the printed poems. This figure is 47.8% in Weler 1855, 40.8% in Opel/Cohn 1862 and 35.3% in Wolkan 1898. This practice follows the example of Liliencron 1865 ff., who included both songs and other poems and thus fostered the extremely unclear use of the term "historical folk song". A broader view of the debate about the meaning of this term can be found in Weddige 1995, pp. 26-29.

13. One example: the song "Wenn wir in höchsten Nöten sein - Wären die Andern heraus! wir wärn gern nein", which is printed in Hartmann 1907, p. 302, imitates the beginning of the famous hymn by Paul Eber.

14. E.g. "Ihr lieben Christen hört mir zu/ was ich euch singen und melden tu", Fig. in Paas 1991, P-791.

15. E.G. "Hört zu ihr lieben Leut/ dies Lied und neue Geschicht" in the pamphlet "VICTORIA Deß frölichen Siegs vnd Beystands von Gott dem Allmächtigen/ [...] Beschrieben durch Henricum Olarium Notar: zu Cölln an der Spree. Getruckt zu Hamburg/ bey Hans Mosen S. Erben/ im Jahr 1632." Ex. in Schwerin Landeshauptarchiv: newspaper Thirty Years' War, unsigned.

16. Poems written in Knittelvers (irregular 4-foot rhyming couplets) and alexandrines are thus excluded. However, care must be exercised here as demonstrated by an illustrated alamode leaflet, cf. Paas 1994, pp. 306-308. A line of music with a simple tune is printed under the Knittelverse which make a musical reception of the poem possible.

17. Account was taken of my own collection of copies of song pamphlets, which contains a total of 533 different prints for this period, the collections of poems of the Thirty Years' War mentioned in notes 1) and 2) above, the editions of illustrated leaflets mentioned in note 5) above as well as diverse individual articles. The following bibliographies were also consulted: Weller 1862 ff.; Maltzahn 1875; Breslauer 1908; Lahne 1931.

18. The dates can be ascertained from the year of printing and, where no such date was stipulated (as with the majority of manuscript songs), from the content of the respective song.

19. Schilling 1990, pp. 177-185.

20. A number of songs about this rebellion are reproduced in Hartmann, 1907, pp. 154-175.

21. The remainder come from prints comprising more than 16 sheets, which are not counted as pamphlets in this context.

22. Text reproduced in Wolff 1830, pp. 433-435.

23. Paas 1986, pp. 250-256.

24. Paas 1994, pp. 292-296, 299-303, 305. The text is reproduced from a pamphlet in Opel/Cohn 1862, pp. 412-416.

25. Cf. Schilling 1990, chapter 4.1.

26. Weller 1855, p. 222.

27. Ill. in Paas 1986, p. 214.

28. See Fig. 1, cf. also Opel/Cohn 1862, p. 31 and Ditfurth, p. 51.

29. With Geneva as the place of origin and Holland as a main area of distribution, this is an allusion to prominent centres of Calvinism.

30. See Fig 2, Ex. in Zurich, Central Library: 18.2021 (6). For more about the song cf. Wolkan 1898, pp. 67-74, 353 and 399 (reproduced from another source), as well as Nehlsen 1993, pp. 448-450, where this print from the Central Library in Zurich is to be added as a second source.

31. Ex. in Basle University Library: Falk 1716 (40).

32. In all probability the text was printed by Wilhelm Darbelley in Uri, cf. also Horodisch 1945, p. 94. Horodisch did not know this print but identified a second enlarged edition of this song with the imprint "Getruckt erstlich in Böhmen Im jahr/1620", where the typeface and ornamentation are identical to those printed by Wilhelm Darbelley in Uri.

33. Evidence of this is provided e.g. by the two leaflets dating from 1624 which are pictured in Paas 1994, p. 170 f. One states: "Gedruckt in der alten Stadt Prag/ bey Jacob Schmaritz", the other "Erstlich Gedruckt zu Prag/ bey Jacob Schmaritz". The illustrations differ, which would make little sense if both leaflets had been printed by the same printer.

34. The figures include deduced printing locations, but not those recognised as fictitious.

35. In the 16th century, the main centres of production for song pamphlets were the southern German imperial towns of Nuremberg, Augsburg and Strasbourg, cf. Flood 1996, p.341. Flood's observations largely tally with the material at my disposal. However, Basle must be added to the list of main centres. The centres of middling importance include Lübeck, Berne, Regensburg, Straubing, Leipzig, Erfurt, Zwickau, Frankfurt/Main and Cologne.

36. A mere 14 among the sample of 608 songs.

37. See Suppan 1873, p.13, and Lohmeier 1979, especially p. 42f.

38. There were early references to this phenomenon, cf. Müller 1895, p. 205.

39. "Ein Klag vnd TraurLied/ Vber die Verbrannte vnd Verheerte Stadt Magdeburg/ etc. Im Thon: An Wasserflüssen Babylon. Darbey zwey Trostreiche Geistliche Lieder zufinden. Gedruckt im Jahr MDCXXXI" (Ex. in Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek: Gm 2931 (10)).

40. By contrafactum I mean song lyrics written to an existing tune.

41. On its reception in German-speaking regions cf. Nehlsen 1993.

42. Cf. ibid., pp. 161-170. These were not the only connotations. Another important connotation was e.g. the "Netherlands scene".

43. "(W)Jlhelmus von Nassawe / bin ich von Teutschem Blut / dem Vatterland getrauwe / bleib ich biß in denn Todt // Ein Printze von Vra ien / bin ich frey vnversehrt / den König von Hispanien / hab ich allzeit geehrt." Cf. ibid., p. 370, text according to source B (1621).

44. "(F)Ridrich am Rhein Pfaltzgrave / Bin ich von Teutschem Bluot: / Dem Vatterland getrewe / Bleib ich biß in den tod // Ein König in Böhm erkohren / Bleib ich frey vnversehrt / Käys. Majestät der gebühre / Hab ich allzeit geehrt." Cf. ibid., p. 450.

45. I have deliberately avoided the ambiguous term "parody" here. For a systematic study of the term "borrowing" in song research see Grijp 1991, chapters 1 and 2.

46. "(C)Hristianus von Norwegen / Bin ich ein frischer Held / Mein Glück vnd all mein Segen / Hab ich zu GOtt gestelt // Den Käyser vnd alle Fürsten / Hab ich allzeit geehrt / Vor Tylli dem Landstreicher / Bin ich noch vnverfehrt." Text according to Nehlsen 1993, p. 455, title page see Fig. 3. The song is reproduced in full in Hassebrauk 1902, pp. 145-150.

47. "Graff Tillj ein küner Helt, / heist man mich alle zeitt, / ich halte mich in dem felde, / ieder zeit gahr woll bereit, / den Käyser vnd Bayerfürsten, / habe Ich alltzeit geehrt, / vom König von Norwegen, / bleib ich noch Vnuerfehrt." Text according to Nehlsen 1993, p. 455. The sole surviving copy is a manuscript in the Landesbibliothek Hannover, but the song was presumably also printed. The song is reproduced in full in Bodemann 1878.

48. "Gustauus Königk in Schweden, / Bin ich ein tapffer Heldt, / Von Got kombt all mein segen, / ich habe es ihm heimgesteldt, / Die Pfaffen vndt die Könige, / habe ich allezeit geehret, / Fur euch Pohlen vndt Landtstreicher, / bin ich noch vnuorführet." Text according to Nehlsen 1993, p. 456. The sole surviving copy is a manuscript in the Biblioteka Gdanska. The song is reproduced in full in Hirsch 1849.

49. "(G)Vstaph Adolph auß Schweden / ein König von GOTT erwehlt / von dem kombt alle mein Leben / jhm hab ichs heimgestellt / LiffLand hab ich gewonnen / Vnlängst als ein Soldat / hoff noch mehr zubekommen / allein durch GOttes Gnad." The song has survived in two versions: version A (14 verses): "Ein schön New Lied/ welches Der König in Schweden mit einführet/ oder repræsentiret, [...]", Uppsala undated. (chronogramm: 1631), (Ex. in Dresden, Landesbibliothek: H. Germ. C. 547,102), reproduced in Soltau 1856, pp. 377-381, and Ditfurth 1882, p.221f.; version B (11 verses): "Der Päbstischen Armee vnter des alten Corporals General = Graffn von Tylli Commando Zugk vnd Flugk. Im Thon: Zeug Fahle Zeug/ etc. [...] So wol ein schönes Lied: Gustav Adolph aus Schweden/ ein König/ & Im Thon: Es ist ein newer Orden/ erstanden zu der frist. Im Jahr vnd Tag/ [...]" without location or date (chronogramm: 1631), Ex. in Frankfurt/Main, Stadtbibliothek: G.F. XXI,375). The quotes are from version A.

50. Cf. also Tschopp 1991, p. 257.

51. I have not been able to identify this song. There may be a connection with the song "Ich wais ain nüwen orden nent man die ritterye", cf. Soltau 1845, p. 175f., although this has a different verse structure.

52. The chain of songs could be pursued still further. The second song in the song pamphlet "Zwey schöne neue Schwedische Lieder Von Ihr Kön. Majest. in Schweden", without location or date [1631] (Ex. in Berlin, Staatsbibliothek: Ye 6576), is an altered version of the Gustavus Adolphus song. The first verse reads: "(G)Vstavus Adolphus aus Schweden/ ein König von Gott erwehlt/ von Gott kompt all mein Segen/ dem hab ichs heimgestellt/ Marschier Soldat/ durch Gottes Gnad/ nach vnserer Art/ hilfft vns Gott weiter fort." The second half of the verse is obviously a refrain borrowed from another song, cf. Weller 1855, p. 233, and linked here with half verses from the Gustavus Adolphus song. Due to the altered verse form, the Wilhelmuslied tune no longer fits!

53. The number in brackets refers to the deduced intonations which were also taken into account where they could be ascertained.

54. For this song cf.: Böhme 1877, No. 408.

55. According to a databank I have established and which contains about 7,500 songs of the 16th and 17th centuries, "Kommt her zu mir spricht Gottes Sohn" and "Hilf Gott daß mir gelinge" are among the most frequently used intonations in song publishing in the early modern era. On the subject of contrafacta of these songs cf. Suppan 1973, pp. 151-154 and pp. 167-171.

56. Cf. Brednich 1974, p. 186.



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